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A rare huanghuali rectangular side table with 'giant's arm' braces, 17th-18th century

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Lot 79TP YA rare huanghuali rectangular side table with 'giant's arm' braces, 17th-18th century; 105.5cm (41 1/2in) wide x 80cm (31 1/2in) high x 66.6cm (26 1/4in) deep. Estimate £40,000 - 60,000 (€ 46,000 - 70,000).© Bonhams 2001-2019

The table with a single-panel top set within the wide, rectangular frame with a beaded edge, above a plain waist and a plain, beaded apron, the legs of square section terminating in hoof feet and joined to the frame by giant's-arm braces. 

Provenance: a British private collection, formed circa 1980s-1990s.

NoteThe presence of the 'giant's arm' braces eliminated the need for the more commonly seen humpback stretchers. Compare with a similar huanghuali table with 'giant's arm' braces, late 16th/early 17th century, illustrated by S.Handler, Austere Luminosity of Chinese Classical Furniture, London, 2001, p.190, fig.12.10. Another related huanghuali square table with 'giant's arm' braces, is illustrated by G.Ecke, Chinese Domestic Furniture, Hong Kong, 1962, p.11, pl.10.

See also a similar huanghuali square table with 'giant's arm braces', 17th century, which was sold at Christie's New York, 16 March 2017, lot 605.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 


Getty Museum acquires collection of ancient engraved gems

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© 2019 Christie’s Image Ltd

LOS ANGELES, CA.- The J. Paul Getty Museum acquired at auction last week a group of seventeen ancient engraved gems from the collection of Roman art dealer Giorgio Sangiorgi (1886-1965). The great majority of the Sangiorgi gems were acquired before World War II, and many derive from notable earlier collections amassed by Lelio Pasqualini, the Boncompagni-Ludovisi family, the Duke of Marlborough, and Paul Arndt in Munich. Comprising some of the finest classical gems still in private hands, the Sangiorgi gems were brought to Switzerland in the 1950s and have remained there with his heirs until now. 

The group acquired by the Getty includes Greek gems of the Minoan, Archaic and Classical periods, as well as Etruscan and Roman gems, some of which are in their original gold rings. They have never been on public view and were only recently published for the first time in Masterpieces in Miniature. Engraved Gems from Prehistory to the Present (London and New York, 2018) by Claudia Wagner and Sir John Boardman. 

The acquisition of these gems brings into the Getty’s collection some of the greatest and most famous of all classical gems, most notably the portraits of Antinous and Demosthenes,” explains Timothy Potts, director of the J. Paul Getty Museum. “But the group also includes many lesser-known works of exceptional skill and beauty that together raise the status of our collection to a new level. Two such are the image of three swans on a Bronze Age seal from Crete, which has an elegance and charm transcending its early date (c. 1600 B.C.); and the image of the semi-divine Perseus, a marvel of minute naturalism that cannot fail to enthrall. This acquisition represents the most important enhancement to the Getty Villa’s collection in over a decade.” 

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Lot 1. A Minoan blue chalcedony tabloid seal with three swans, Late Palace period, circa 16th century B.C.; ¾ in. (1.9 cm.) long. Estimate USD 50,000 - USD 70,000Price realised USD 118,750© 2019 Christie’s Image Ltd

Provenance: Giorgio Sangiorgi (1886-1965), Rome, acquired and brought to Switzerland, late 1930s; thence by continuous descent to the current owners.

Literature: J. Boardman and C. Wagner, Masterpieces in Miniature: Engraved Gems from Prehistory to the Present, London, 2018, p. 5, no. 2.

Note: Minoan artists delighted in portraying the world around them, as seen on frescos, vases and gems. The three swans on the gem presented here are naturalistically depicted, one with its wings raised, as if alighting on water. Similar swans are found on two green jasper lentoids, one from Knossos and one from Mirabello, both now in Oxford (see pls. 94 and 95 in Boardman, Greek Gems and Finger Rings), and also on a fresco from Hagia Triada, Crete. 

This exceptional Minoan gem is sculpted from blue chalcedony, a form of microcrystalline quartz, now weathered to white in places. The source of this stone is thought to have been Anatolia, thus indicating the trade networks that existed throughout the ancient world during the Bronze Age. The back of the stone displays horizontal facets, an unusual feature.

 

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Lot 11. A Greek mottled red jasper scaraboid with Perseus, Classical period, circa 4th century B.C.; 1 ¼ in. (3 cm.) long. Estimate USD 80,000 - USD 120,000Price realised USD 855,000© 2019 Christie’s Image Ltd

Provenance: Giorgio Sangiorgi (1886-1965), Rome, acquired and brought to Switzerland, late 1930s; thence by continuous descent to the current owners.

LiteratureJ. Boardman, Greek Art, 5th edition, London, 2016, p. 204, fig. 194a.
J. Boardman and C. Wagner, Masterpieces in Miniature: Engraved Gems from Prehistory to the Present, London, 2018, p. 46, no. 38.

Note: According to Boardman and Wagner (op. cit., p. 46), the depiction of Perseus on this gem "is not only perhaps the finest single Classical study of the hero but one of the best engraved gems of its period." The robustly muscular hero is depicted nude, stepping forward on tiptoe on a short groundline as he silently approaches his prey, the Gorgon Medusa. He wears a winged diadem and winged sandals. His left hand is raised with his thumb angled towards his lips. In his lowered right he holds two spears, one with an attached sickle-shaped blade, the dorydrepanon. Over his right shoulder he wears a cloak that drapes over his arm and along his back, with two weighted corners descending behind, their edges in zigzag.

For Perseus this pose is unparalleled in Greek art, but the same was employed for the hero Diomedes on a chalcedony scaraboid in Boston, where the hero tiptoes forward, holding a sword and the Palladion (Boardman, Greek Gems and Finger Rings, pl. 596). The unusual variety of mottled red jasper is extremely rare.

Highlights from the acquisition include two of the greatest known ancient gems: a Roman intaglio portrait of Antinous, superbly engraved in black chalcedony circa 130-138 A.D., and a Roman amethyst ringstone with a portrait of Demosthenes, signed by the artist Dioskourides, circa late 1st century B.C. 

The gem portraying Antinous, the young lover of the Emperor Hadrian (ruled 117-138 A.D.), was engraved on an unusually large black chalcedony stone. Depicted in the guise of a hunter, Antinous wears a cloak over his shoulders pinned in place by a circular fibula and carries a spear. His idealized facial profile features a rounded chin, full lips and thick hair arranged in luscious curls that cover his ears and fall along his neck. The extraordinary quality of the engraving has led many to proclaim this the finest surviving portrait of Antinous in existence in any medium and one of the finest classical gems to have survived since antiquity.  

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Lot 37. The Marlborough Antinous - A Roman Black Chalcedony Intaglio Portrait of Antinous, circa 130-138 A.D. Estimate USD 300,000 - USD 500,000. Price realised USD 2,115,000. © 2019 Christie’s Image Ltd

Cf. my post: Christie's to offer miniature engraved gems formerly in the G. Sangiorgi Collection

The extraordinary frontal portrait of Demosthenes, the 4th century B.C. Greek orator, is the other great masterpiece of the Sangiorgi collection. It is signed by the gem engraver Dioskourides, who is mentioned by ancient writers as the court gem engraver to the emperor Augustus (ruled 27 BC-AD 14) and is today regarded as one of the greatest gem engravers of Roman times. The intaglio image is cut so deeply that the impression stands out in unusually high relief, reading more like a statue in the round. Demosthenes wears a mantle over one shoulder and turns his head slightly to one side. The orator is bearded, with a full mustache framing his lips. His brows are knitted and his forehead creased, giving him a seriousness of expression appropriate to the subject of his famous Philippics. When it was in the collection of the Roman collector Lelio Pasqualini (1549-1611), the gem piqued the interest of every antiquarian, Grand Tour traveler, and glyptic scholar of the day, and its renown has only increased over time. 

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Lot 32. A Roman Amethyst Ringstone withe a portrait of Demosthenes signed Dioskourides, circa late 1st century B.C.; ¾ in. (1.9 cm.) long Estimate: $200,000-300,000Price realised USD 1,575,000  Christie's Images Ltd 2019. 

Cf. my post: Christie's to offer miniature engraved gems formerly in the G. Sangiorgi Collection

All seventeen gems will be featured as part of a special exhibition opening at the Getty Center in December highlighting recent acquisitions. Following that, they will go on view at the Getty Villa

A rare underglaze-blue yellow-ground 'gardenia' saucer-dish, Hongzhi six-character mark and of the period (1488-1505)

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A rare underglaze-blue yellow-ground 'gardenia' saucer-dish, Hongzhi six-character mark and of the period (1488-1505)

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Lot 83. A rare underglaze-blue yellow-ground 'gardenia' saucer-dish, Hongzhi six-character mark and of the period (1488-1505); 26.7cm (10 1/2in) diam. Estimate £ 10,000 - 15,000€ (12,000 - 17,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

With shallow rounded sides, painted in shaded tones of blue reserved on a rich yellow enamelled ground, the interior with a central medallion depicting a single leafy branch bearing two five-petalled gardenia blooms and a bud emerging from the top, encircled in the cavetto by fruiting branches of pomegranate, grape, peach and a ribboned lotus bouquet, all between double-line borders, the underside with a continuous scroll of blooming peonies between double lines at the rim and foot.

Note: Hongzhi dishes of this design can be found in several important museum and private collections around the world. See two, for example, in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, illustrated in Minji meihin zuroku, vol. II, Tokyo, 1977, pls.72 and 73, together with their blue-and-white counterparts, pls.70 and 71; and one in the Palace Museum, Beijing, illustrated in The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum: Blue and White Porcelain with Underglazed Red (II), Shanghai, 2000, pl.231, together with a Chenghua example, pl.230, and a Zhengde example, pl.233. Compare also with a dish in the Shanghai Museum included in the exhibition Chugoku rekidai toji ten/Chinese ceramics through the ages, Seibu Art Museum, Tokyo, 1984, no.80. Similar 'gardenia' dishes can also be found in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, illustrated in Oriental Ceramics: The World's Great Collections, vol.2, Tokyo, 1982, pl.16; the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, op.cit., vol. 8, Tokyo, 1982, pl. 226, from the Kempe Collection. Another illustrated by R.Krahl, Chinese Ceramics from the Meiyintang Collection, London, 1994-2010, vol.4, no.1674, was sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 7th April 2011, lot 57. The example from the Sir Percival David Collection, now in the British Museum, London, is discussed by M.Medley, Illustrated Catalogue of Ming Polychrome Wares, London, 1966, no.A740.

A similar dish was sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 8 October 2013, lot 226. 

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

An exceptionally rare and large blue and white 'Immortals' double-gourd vase, Jiajing six character mark and of the period

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An exceptionally rare and large blue and white 'Immortals' double-gourd vase, Jiajing six character mark and of the period

An exceptionally rare and large blue and white 'Immortals' double-gourd vase, Jiajing six character mark and of the period

 

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Lot 84. The J.Dearman Birchall Vase - An exceptionally rare and large blue and white 'Immortals' double-gourd vase, Jiajing six character mark and of the period (1522-1566); 55.5cm (21 3/4in) high. Estimate £ 80,000 - 120,000 (€ 93,000 - 140,000)© Bonhams 2001-2019

Heavily potted with tubular neck and large lower and smaller upper bulbs, supported on a splayed foot, deftly painted in vibrant tones of underglaze-blue around the exterior of the lower globular body with Daoist deities and Immortals with various attributes and gifts including Han Xiangzi with flute and Zhang Guolao with bamboo drum and sticks, enclosed by stiff-leaf and petal-form lappets, the waisted center with a scroll of lingzhi, the upper bulb with further immortals including Liu Hai on his three-legged toad crossing a sea of crested waves, between lappet bands, the narrow cylindrical neck with further scrolls of auspicious lingzhi fungus. 

Provenance: J.Dearman Birchall (1828-1897), Bowden Hall, Gloucestershire, collection no.32, and thence by descent.

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Watercolour, The Morning Room, Bowden Hall, Gloucestershire, 19th century.

Note: J.Dearman Birchall (1828-1897) was born in Leeds, the son of a successful Quaker wool merchant with roots in manufacturing and retailing local tweed. A successful innovator and merchant, Dearman led his family firm to prizes for their cloth at the International Exhibitions in London (1862), Paris (1867), Vienna (1873), Philadelphia (1876), Paris again (1878) and Sydney (1879). 

All the time he was trading cloth, he was also acquiring Chinese porcelain and Persian fabrics. His diaries note that in 1875 and 1877 he bought from, and sold porcelain to, the Dutch-based dealer Joel Duveen, the first Duveen to make a base in the United Kingdom in 1866, opening a shop in Hull (Barnett and Duveen, 49 Waterwork Street). By 1890, both his collection and Duveen's domination of the Chinese porcelain market had expanded vastly. As Dearman aged, in 1892 Duveen offered to buy back his whole collection to ship out to his insatiable new 'robber baron' clientele in New York, collectors like Henry Clay Frick and J.Pierport Morgan. But the collection survived this tempting offer, and remained on open display in Dearman Birchall's home, where he could indulge his Leeds business skills in more congenial surroundings and support a variety of charitable and philanthropic causes which rightly gave him considerable local prestige. 

However, this appreciation of the subtle qualities of 'sapphire blue' Chinese ginger jars, especially the legendary 'hawthorn' jars, did not normally involve much knowledge about Chinese reign marks. Nor did the early collectors, except a few enlightened ones educated by scholars in the London museums, have either the opportunity or the knowledge to acquire genuine Imperial reign-marked ceramics made for the Chinese domestic market. The finest Kangxi was apparently largely made for the Export trade, and Birchall was even asking Duveen to find it for him in Holland. However, at some point before the 1890s, Birchall was enabled to buy some ceramics which fell way outside the well-beaten collecting taste of late Victorian England; and, as his inventory records, to his credit he knew what date these Imperial pieces were. 

However, this appreciation of the subtle qualities of 'sapphire blue' Chinese ginger jars, especially the legendary 'hawthorn' jars, did not normally involve much knowledge about Chinese reign marks. Nor did the early collectors, except a few enlightened ones educated by scholars in the London museums, have either the opportunity or the knowledge to acquire genuine Imperial reign-marked ceramics made for the Chinese domestic market. The finest Kangxi was apparently largely made for the Export trade, and Birchall was even asking Duveen to find it for him in Holland. However, at some point before the 1890s, Birchall was enabled to buy some ceramics which fell way outside the well-beaten collecting taste of late Victorian England; and, as his inventory records, to his credit he knew what date these Imperial pieces were. 

The Jiajing emperor was particularly fervent in his Daoist beliefs among the Ming dynasty emperors. He poured large sums of money into the construction of Daoist temples and the performance of Daoist rituals. Following frustration with his ministers and court politics at large, he developed into an adherent of alchemical Daoism and his overriding concern became the quest for Immortality. Self-promoting officials at court were quick to realise that they could advance further up the official hierarchy and stay in favour with the emperor by writing Daoist-style memorials and notes to him. Unsurprisingly the court arts of his reign frequently bore themes associated with Daoism and longevity. 

The double-gourd shape was the ideal canvas for a Daoist theme as it was associated with containing magic potions and Daoist elixirs. The lower bulb is painted with popular Daoist deities processing with gifts for a bearded Daoist deity, probably Shoulao, shown seated on a flat rock throne beneath a spreading pine tree, accompanied by an auspicious crane. Shoulao glances to his left at Liu Hai and his three-legged toad dancing wildly. Behind him a man carries a large auspicious lingzhi fungus. Next is an official carrying a large vase from which issue a pictogram, an ewer and another pictogram, possibly in reference to a magic elixir. Behind him, a boy carries a large peach. Such peaches were grown by the Queen Mother of the West in her enchanted garden. Eating such fruit conferred immortality. Then comes Han Xiangzi, one of the Eight Immortals who is identified by his flute. Behind him is Zhang Guolao, another of the Eight Immortals, shown with bamboo drum and sticks. A dog running towards someone is an emblem of forthcoming riches. Another of the Eight Immortals is Cao Guojiu in court dress and holding castanets. Next comes an Immortal between deer and crane carrying a two-headed tortoise. The landscape is festooned with auspicious plants such as pine trees and lingzhi. The Jiajing emperor himself was particularly partial to memorials sent by officials recording unusual and auspicious natural phenomenon such as the sighting of white deer, etc. 

A similar blue and white double-gourd vase with the same motif of Immortals, Jiajing six-character mark and of the period, is illustrated by S.W.Bushell and W.M.Laffan, Catalogue of The Morgan Collections of Chinese Porcelains, New York, 1907, pl.XIV, no.243, which was later sold at Sotheby's London, 15 June 1982, lot 287. Compare also with another very similar blue and white double-gourd vase with the same motif of Immortals, Jiajing six-character mark and of the period, which was sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 7 October 2006, lot 918.

Large double gourd-shaped porcelain bottle with underglaze blue decoration, Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period (122-1566), 55 x 31 cm, Franks

Large double gourd-shaped porcelain bottle with underglaze blue decoration, Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period (122-1566), 55 x 31 cm, Franks.1672© Trustees of the British Museum.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

 

A large blue and white 'ladies in garden' jar, guan, 16th century

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A large blue and white 'ladies in garden' jar, guan, 16th century

Lot 85. A large blue and white 'ladies in garden' jar, guan, 16th century; 34cm (13 3/8in) high. Estimate £ 25,000 - 30,000€ (29,000 - 35,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

The heavily-potted vessel of shouldered hexagonal form with gently rounded sides and a short neck, finely painted with six ogival panels depicting garden scenes with court ladies engaging in various leisurely pursuits, set between stylised floral scrolls, above a band of palmettes reserved on a blue ground, the shoulder with a diaper band enclosing shaped panels with qilin and tripod incense burners, the neck with a further diaper band containing panels decorated with flower heads.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

A rare blue and white 'Three-legged toad' incense burner and cover, Late Ming Dynasty

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A rare blue and white 'three-legged toad' incense burner and cover, Late Ming Dynasty

Lot 86. A rare blue and white 'Three-legged toad' incense burner and cover, Late Ming Dynasty. 15cm (5 8/9in) long. Estimate £15,000 - 20,000€ (17,000 - 23,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

Moulded in the form of a three-legged toad standing above crashing waves, the pierced cover forming the top half and head of the animal, all decorated in reverse technique with prunus flower heads on a speckled-blue ground, the lower section with three feet, the interior and recessed base glazed, the rims unglazed, Japanese wood box. 

Note The present incense burner is among the so-called Ko-sometsuke porcelain wares which were produced by the potters of Jingdezhen for the Japanese market between the 1620's and about 1645. This period coincided with the rise in popularity of the tea ceremony in Japan, which required a number of different utensils, thus prompting the flourishing of Chinese porcelain trade in Japan at this time. Ko-sometsuke wares were manufactured in a great variety of asymmetrical and often humorous forms, and were deliberately potted in a rough manner bearing some flaws and imperfections.

The auspicious form, relating to Liu Hai's three-legged toad, of the present incense burner can be compared with the features of a small blue and white incense container and cover, kogo, 1621-1627, moulded in the form of a three-legged toad, illustrated by Masahoko Kawwahara, Ko-sometsuke Monochrome Section, Kyoto, 1977, p.129, no.108.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A rare gilt-bronze blue and white 'squirrel' kendi, Wanli period (1573-1620), with later European mounts

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A rare gilt-bronze blue and white 'squirrel' kendi, Wanli period (1573-1619), with later European mounts

Lot 87. A rare gilt-bronze blue and white 'squirrel' kendi, Wanli period (1573-1620), with later European mounts; 19.5cm (7 5/8in) high. Estimate £ 8,000 - 12,000€ (9,300 - 14,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

The top of the lobed bulbous body finely moulded with a large squirrel with bushy tail and detailed fur, painted around the exterior in vibrant tones of cobalt-blue with panels of flowers, grapes, a horse and a scroll, the shoulders with a key-fret pattern, the European mounts finely incised with a rose

Note Kendi in the form of an elephant or frog are quite common. However, kendi moulded with bulls, cows and squirrels are very rare. 

Compare with a similar blue and white kendi with a squirrel, Wanli, which was sold at Christie's Amsterdam, 7-8 May 2002, lot 78.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A rare and large blue and white beaker vase, Gu, Wanli six-character mark and of the period (1573-1620)

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A rare and large blue and white beaker vase, Gu, Wanli six-character mark and of the period(1573-1619)

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Lot 88. A rare and large blue and white beaker vase, Gu, Wanli six-character mark and of the period (1573-1620); 57.5cm (22 5/8in) high. Estimate £100,000 - 150,000 (€ 120,000 - 170,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

Deftly painted around the central globular body with alternating baskets and bowls containing flowers, the conical lower body with insects in flight amidst flowering plants above a band of prunus blossoms on a wave ground, the tall neck encircled by a wide bow-string band separating a band of composite floral scroll and a band of upright plantain leaves, the rim with a band of classic scroll interrupted by the reign mark written in a rectangular panel

Note Gu vases enjoyed a great popularity during the reign of the Wanli emperor, and were produced in numerous variations of size and decoration. Large vases such as the present example, however, appear to be quite rare. In addition to its exceptionally large size, the present vase is notable for the flowing and naturalistic brushstrokes and the balanced interplay between elegance and archaic stateliness. 

A similar blue and white gu vase, Wanli mark and period, of slightly larger size, is illustrated in the Enlightening Elegance. Imperial Porcelain of the Mid to Late Qing Period. The Huanghuaitang Collection, Hong Kong, 2012, pp.388-391. A related wucai gu vase, Wanli, decorated with dragons and peonies, is illustrated in The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum. Wucai Doucai, Shanghai, 199, p.37, no.34.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019


A blue and white barbed-rim 'pheasant and peony' basin for the Japanese market, Wanli period (1573-1620)

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A blue and white barbed-rim 'pheasant and peony' basin for the Japanese market, Wanli period (1573-1620)

Lot 89. A blue and white barbed-rim 'pheasant and peony' basin for the Japanese market, Wanli period (1573-1620); 38.1cm (15in) wide. Estimate £ 10,000 - 15,000 (€ 12,000 - 17,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019

The deep rounded sides rising from a short tapering foot to an everted flaring rim, brightly painted in the well with two pheasants beside blooming peonies, the cavetto with a band of scrolling lotus, the foliate rim with shaped panels containing white horses and rabbits interspersed with various diaper-patterns, the exterior painted with sparse branches of prunus, Japanese wood box

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A blue and white 'Qilin' dish, Ming dynasty, Wanli period (1573-1620)

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Lo 90. A blue and white 'Qilin' dish, Ming dynasty, Wanli period (1573-1620); 36.7cm (14 1/2in) diam. Estimate £8,000 - 10,000 (€ 9,300 - 12,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Painted in the centre in vivid tones with two mythical qilin beside towering peony and camellia blossoms, surrounded by a band of butterflies, fruit and branches on the cavetto, the rim decorated with onion-domed buildings interspersed with flowers, figures and Buddhist lions suspended from chains, Japanese wood box.

Compare with a similar blue and white dish with the same motif, Wanli, in the Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, Massachusetts, illustrated by R.Diaz, Chinese Armorial Porcelain for Spain, London, 2010, p.85. The same motif on a jar and a dish but with the double-headed eagle of the Order of St Augustine is also illustrated in Ibid,.pp.80-82. Diaz notes that many interpretations exist about the so-called architectural composition including being read as bottles, ruins, and the towers of a monastery-fortress similar to ones found in Mexican colonial architecture.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A blue and white 'Jesuit' jar, Circa 1610-1630

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Lot 91. A blue and white 'Jesuit' jar, Circa 1610-1630; 12.8cm (5in) high. Estimate £ 8,000 - 10,000 (€ 9,300 - 12,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The vessel with five-lobed ovoid body rising from a domed foot to a short waisted neck and flared rim, applied at the shoulder with three cherub-head masks issuing from grapevines alternating with floral sprays, all above stylised lotus scrolls at the foot and below a floral band at the neck.

Note: Jars of such a shape as the present example were inspired by European metal prototypes. A similar blue and white jar, Ming dynasty, from the British Museum, London, is illustrated by J.Harrison-Hall, Ming Ceramics, London, 2001, pl.12:61. A related piece, 17th century, decorated with the emblems of Christ's Passion, Betrayal, Crucifixion and Descent from the Cross, in the collection of the Fundacao Medeiros e Almeida, Lisbon, is illustrated in Caminhos da Porcelana. Dinastias Ming e Qing, Lisbon, 1999, p.160, pl.14, where it is mentioned that this type of vessels was made on order for Portuguese Jesuits.

Porcelain jar with underglaze blue and applied decoration, Ming dynasty, circa 1610-1630; 12

Porcelain jar with underglaze blue and applied decoration, Ming dynasty, circa 1610-1630; 12.2 cm high, Franks.1397.a. © 2019 Trustees of the British Museum.

Two similar blue and white jars decorated with cherubs and grapevines, circa 1610-1630, were sold at Sotheby's London, 12 July 2006, lot 77 and 4 November 2009, lot 69.

A rare blue and white jar for the Portuguese market, circa 1610-30

A rare blue and white jar for the Portuguese market, circa 1610-1630; 13.2cm., 5 1/4 in. Sold for 73,250 GBP at Sotheby's London, 4 November 2009, lot 69. Courtesy Sotheby's.

Cf. my post: Important Ming blue and white porcelains sold @ Sotheby's London, 04 Nov 09

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

A pair of blue and white square bottle vases, Ming dynasty, Wanli period (1573-1620)

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A pair of blue and white square bottle vases, Ming dynasty, Wanli period (1573-1620)

Lot 92. A pair of blue and white square bottle vases, Ming dynasty, Wanli period (1573-1620); 16.5cm (6 1/2in) high. Estimate £ 8,000 - 10,000 (€ 9,300 - 12,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Both vases form with the sides rising to the high rounded shoulders decorated with interlocking designs of ruyi tendrils, surmounted by spiralling ribbed and cylindrical necks and similarly decorated with panels depicting shrubs of blooming peonies and chrysanthemums issuing from rockwork. 

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

 

Vincent van Gogh (1853-1890), Arbres dans le jardin de l'asile, 1889

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2019_NYR_17154_0015A_000(vincent_van_gogh_arbres_dans_le_jardin_de_lasile)

Lot 15. Vincent van Gogh (1853-1890), Arbres dans le jardin de l'asile, oil on canvas, 16 3/8 x 13 ¼ in. (41.6 x 33.5 cm.) Painted in Saint Rémy, October 1889. Estimate On Request© Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenanceTheo van Gogh, Paris (acquired from the artist). 
Johanna van Gogh-Bonger, Paris (by descent from the above).
Johannes Hendricus de Bois, The Hague (acquired from the above, March 1909). 
Fritz Meyer-Fierz, Zürich (probably acquired from the above, circa 1914).
Robert Franz Meyer, Zürich (by descent from the above, by 1917).
Galerien Thannhauser, Munich (acquired from the above, 10 July 1936).
Wildenstein et Cie., Paris (acquired from the above, 11 July 1936). 
Mr. and Mrs. Anderson, London (acquired from the above).
George Embiricos, Lausanne (by 1964). 
Gagosian Gallery, New York (acquired from the above). 
Acquired from the above by the present owner, 10 June 2004.

Literature: J.-B. de la Faille, L’œuvre de Vincent van Gogh: Catalogue raisonné, Paris, 1928, vol. 1, p. 207, no. 731 (illustrated, vol. 2, pl. CCV; titled Parc de l'hôpital Saint-Pol à Saint-Rémy).
W. Scherjon and J. de Gruyter, Vincent van Gogh’s Great Period: Arles, St. Rémy and Auvers-sur-Oise, Complete Catalogue, Amsterdam, 1937, p. 340, no. 151 (illustrated).
J.-B. de la Faille, Vincent van Gogh, Paris, 1939, p. 507, no. F. 731 (illustrated; titled Parc de l'hôpital St-Paul).
J.-B. de la Faille, The Works of Vincent van Gogh: His Paintings and Drawings, New York, 1970, p. 280, no. F 731 (illustrated, pl. 738).
J. Hulsker, The Complete Van Gogh: Paintings, Drawings, Sketches, New York, 1977, p. 415, no. 1801 (illustrated).
P. Lecaldano, L'opera pittorica completa di Van Gogh e i suoi nessi grafici, Milan, 1977, p. 224, no. 728 (illustrated, p. 222).
W. Feilchenfeldt, Vincent van Gogh & Paul Cassirer, Berlin: The Reception of Van Gogh in Germany from 1901 to 1914, Zwolle, 1988, p. 116 (illustrated).
J.F. Heijbroek, Kunst, kennis en commercie: De kunsthandelaar J.H. de Bois (1878-1946), Amsterdam, 1993, p. 198.
J. Hulsker, The Complete Van Gogh: Paintings, Drawings, Sketches, Revised and Enlarged Edition of the Catalogue Raisonné of the Works of Vincent Van Gogh, Amsterdam, 1996, p. 414, no. 1801 (illustrated, p. 415).
C. Stolwijk and H. Veenenbos, The Account Book of Theo van Gogh and Jo van Gogh-Bonger, Amsterdam, 2002, pp. 52, 127, 149 and 187.
W. Feilchenfeldt, Vincent van Gogh: Die Gemälde 1886-1890, Händler, Sammler, Ausstellungen: Frühe Provenienzen, Wädenswil, 2009, p. 219 (illustrated).
L. Jansen, H. Luijten and N. Bakker, eds., Vincent van Gogh: The Letters, New York, 2009, vol. 5, p. 156, no. 824, note 9.
S. Koldehoff and C. Stolwijk, eds., The Thannhauser Gallery: Marketing Van Gogh, Brussels, 2017, p. 250, no. 77 (illustrated in color, p. 251; titled Trees in the Garden of St. Paul's Hospital).

ExhibitedBerlin, Paul Cassirer, VII. Austellung, March 1908, no. 16. 
Künstlerhaus Zürich, VI. Serie: Vincent van Gogh, Cuno Amiet, Hans Emmenegger, Giovanni Giacometti, July 1908, no. 26 (titled Unter Bäumen). 
Kunsthaus Zürich, Aus Zürcher Privatsammlungen, November-December 1914, p. 6, no. 52 (titled Park von Arles). 
Kunsthalle Basel, Vincent van Gogh, March-April 1924, p. 8, no. 48 (titled Herbst in Arles). 
Kunsthaus Zürich, Vincent van Gogh, July-August 1924, p. 31, no. 58 (titled Park im Herbst II).
Lausanne, Palais de Beaulieu, Chefs-d'oeuvre des collections suisses, de Manet à Picasso, May-October 1964, no. 116 (illustrated; titled Parc de l'hôpital Saint-Paul).

Note: “I’ll tell you that we’re having some superb autumn days, and that I’m taking advantage of them,” Vincent van Gogh wrote from Saint-Rémy-de-Provence on 5 October 1889 to his brother Theo, a gallerist in Paris. “I have a few studies…” (Letters, no. 808). The artist painted Arbres dans le jardin de l’asile a week or two later, as the fiery colors of fall foliage approached peak brilliance. 
The garden in which Vincent was working had been familiar, cherished ground—if nothing like paradise, then a welcome sanctuary nonetheless—for the past five-and-a-half months. This painting displays a vital sense of immediacy and the artist’s total, intimate immersion within the landscape—one that we find as well in Henri Matisse's Paysage de Colliourse, étude pour Le Bonheur de vivre. Vincent appears to have painted the canvas au premier coup, in a single session at white heat. The developing synthesis of pictorial ideas that he had been incorporating into his work—since he first encountered “new painting” in Paris during 1886-1887—had become engrained and instinctual, entirely personal, and would become a potent method for future generations of artists to study, emulate, and apply in their own ways.
Heeding the sympathetic advice of Dr. Félix Rey, and with the kind Reverend Frédéric Salles at his side, Vincent departed Arles and arrived in Saint-Rémy, some fifteen miles distant, on 8 May 1889. With Theo’s agreement and support, the artist voluntarily signed the admissions register of the privately-run Hôpital de Saint-Paul-de-Mausole, placing himself in the care of Dr. Théophile Peyron and his staff. The artist remained there for just over a year, until his release on 20 May 1890. 
Advertised as a maison de santé—“a house of health”—the converted Augustinian monastery was in reality an asylum for the mentally ill. While tourists may today visit a recreation of the artist’s room and walk the grounds, the wing containing a modern, working psychiatric facility is strictly off-limits. Vincent feared the recurrence of the sudden, devastating mental trauma he had experienced on 23 December 1888 in Arles—following a bitter dispute with Paul Gauguin, his guest at the Yellow House, he suffered severe paroxysms of hallucinations, loud noises, and voices that drove him to mutilate his left ear, shearing off all but the lobe. A relapse, although less violent, on 7 February 1889 led Dr. Rey and Reverend Salles to urge Vincent to seek extended care in Saint-Rémy.
“I’ve been here almost a whole month,” Vincent wrote Theo on 31 May 1889. “Not one single time have I had the slightest desire to be elsewhere; just the will to work is becoming a tiny bit firmer… What a beautiful land and what beautiful blue and what a sun! And yet I’ve only seen the garden and what I can make out through the window” (Letters, no. 777). 
Dr. Peyron supervised the treatment of only around 40 patients, to whom his staff could be more attentive than in larger, state-managed institutions. Vincent had a bedroom to himself, the window opening each morning on the rising sun. Theo had stipulated that his brother be allowed to paint; the doctor granted the artist use of a second room, the gardens outside visible through its ground-floor window, as his studio. For the remainder of May Vincent painted within the hospital grounds, as Dr. Peyron assessed his condition. By 6 June he was allowed to paint outside the asylum walls, escorted by an attendant.
Vincent’s willing confinement at Saint-Rémy was the penultimate phase in his singularly intense, compressed career as a painter, linking the Arles and Auvers periods. There he struggled to understand and to adapt to the fits of temporal lobe epilepsy, an inherited condition to which, at age 36, he had become increasingly prone, while relentlessly striving—on his own, inner-directed terms—for mastery in his chosen profession.
The canvases Vincent had painted during the previous fifteen months in Arles had been the groundbreaking, true beginning of his maturity as a painter. The pictures he created in Saint-Rémy represent a further step—as dangerous as Vincent’s condition might have been, the storm and stress in his addled, manic mind connected more tellingly with the creative daemon of inner necessity to ratchet even higher the expressive tensions in his work, with magnificent results. On 18 June 1889 Vincent painted La nuit étoilée, the iconic “Starry Night” (Faille, no. 612). The firestorms that he experienced in his brain were splayed on the canvas as swirling, pulsating galaxies animating the night sky. From feeling and intuition, faculties pushed to their breaking point, Vincent conjured symbols of the infinite and eternal cosmos—he had attained a visionary dimension in his art. 
The enclosed gardens on the grounds of Saint-Paul-de-Mausole were unkempt and poorly maintained, more like—in their profuse vegetation—a vigorous, unruly state of nature. Here the artist observed the passage of the seasons over the course of a single year, from one spring to the next, bearing witness to the fundamental cycle of renewal, plentitude, and decay, leading to a rebirth once more, just as resident monks had contemplated in the distant past. The gardens were an ever-present haven that afforded Vincent comfort and reassurance, lying beneath his studio window or just a few steps from the main entrance to the men’s wing in which he lived. 
“I’m quite absorbed in reading the Shakespeare that Theo sent me here,” Vincent wrote his sister Willemien on 2 July 1889. “At last I’ll have the calm necessary to do a little more difficult reading… Have you ever read King Lear? I think I shan’t urge you too much to read such dramatic books when I myself, returning from this reading, am always obliged to go and gaze at a blade of grass, a pine-tree branch, an ear of wheat, to calm myself” (Letters, no. 785). Willemien, too, eventually fell victim to mental illness, and entered an asylum in 1902.
The network of winding walks and paths offered seemingly limitless perspectives on the variety of motifs at the painter’s disposal. Trees were both evergreen and deciduous; among the thicker trunks of elms and oaks were poplars, maples, and smaller trees bearing fruit, almonds, mulberries, and olives. Tall, twisting parasol pines and the sword-like tips of dark, flame-shaped cypresses dominated the arboreal skyline. Le sous-bois, the sprawling plant undergrowth at the feet of these trees—teeming natural worlds in microcosm—held special fascination for Vincent. 
On 15 July 1889 Vincent dispatched to Theo his first batch of Saint-Rémy canvases, from among the some thirty works he had already completed, including the well-known Irises (Faille, no. 608; The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles), together with the final eight pictures he had painted in Arles. The following day, on 16 July, disaster struck—Vincent experienced an “attack”, as he called such dreaded events. The artist was painting the entrance to one of the cavernous quarries near the asylum when he was struck down. In his frenzy, Vincent ingested dirt and swallowed contents from one of his paint tubes before the accompanying orderly could stop him. 
The quarry entrance, an opening into the underworld, might serve as an apt site and symbol for this event—for the next six weeks Vincent harrowed the hell of his innermost mind, his very being.
No apparent warning signs preceded “this new crisis,” as Vincent later described the event to Theo in a letter dated 22 August 1889 (Letters, no. 797). Dr. Peyron surmised that Vincent’s escorted day-trip to Arles on 7 July, to collect the paintings that remained there, had awakened painful and confusing memories of the events that had taken place nearly eight months previously. The doctor had been concerned from the beginning of Vincent’s stay that the activity of painting alone might instigate an epileptic seizure. Now he had the artist confined to his room and denied him access to the studio. While recovering, Vincent hoped—through Theo—to persuade the doctor to relent.
“For many days I’ve been absolutely distraught,” Vincent wrote his brother, “as in Arles, just as much if not worse, and it’s to be presumed that these crises will recur in the future, it is ABOMINABLE… You can imagine that I’m very deeply distressed that the attacks have recurred when I was already beginning to hope that it wouldn’t recur. You’ll perhaps do well to write a line to Dr. Peyron to say that working on my paintings is quite necessary to me for my recovery. For these days, without anything to do and without being able to go into the room he had allocated me for doing my painting, are almost intolerable to me… I no longer see a possibility for courage or good hope, but anyway it wasn’t yesterday that we found out that this profession isn’t a happy one” (ibid.).
In a letter written on or about 2 September, Vincent announced to Theo that he had “started working again a little—a thing I see from my window, a field of yellow stubble that is being ploughed” (Faille, no. 625; sold, Christie’s New York, 13 November 2017, lot 28A). In his next letter, written during the 5th and 6th, he took up the image of the ploughman to represent himself: “I’m ploughing on like a man possessed, more than ever I have a pent-up fury for work, and I think that this will contribute to curing me” (Letters, nos. 798 and 800).
Vincent's production during the fall of 1889 constitutes an astonishing run. Having finished the ploughman in the field, he put the final touches on two of the most impressive self-portraits of his entire career (Faille, nos. 626 and 627), as well as pictures of the attendant Trabuc and his wife (nos. 629 and 631). He soon began to work outdoors; in early October he painted his only view of the chapel of Saint-Paul-de-Mausole, from a field near the perimeter of the garden grounds (Faille, no. 803; sold, Christie’s New York, 13 May 2018, lot 24A). On 3 October Vincent wrote to Émile Bernard in Paris that he been painting “a large canvas of a ravine,” a motif possessing “a beautiful melancholy; it’s enjoyable to work in really wild sites” (Faille, no. 662; Letters, no. 809).
In early November Vincent began to work in the olive groves outside the asylum—accompanied, of course—and in early December he ventured down the road and into the town of Saint-Rémy, where he painted road-menders beneath the huge, gnarled platane trees that lined the main street (Faille, nos. 657 and 658). Throughout autumn, the gardens of Saint-Paul-de-Mausole continued to be an inspirational and consistently productive source of varied landscape subjects. The closer at hand Vincent chose his motifs—those which were familiar to him—the more presciently modernist were the results, and, indeed, the more assured and precisely articulated were his means of achieving them. “Ah, I could almost believe that I have a new period of clarity ahead of me” (to Theo, 5 and 6 September 1889; Letters, no. 800).
The fundamental idea underlying Vincent’s pictorial approach in the present painting is the conception of flatness inherent in japonisme, most tellingly prefigured in the Hiroshige landscape woodblock print that he copied as a painting in 1887 (Faille, no. 371). The three fir tree trunks that run from top to bottom in Arbres dans le jardin de l’asile likewise frame the composition, obviate the need for a foreground, and telescope receding distance into flat, rising, verticalized space. All this Vincent accomplished without the least hint of hesitation—eye, mind, and hand were one—in the speed of the artist’s brush, the urgent, rushing wave of his painterly effects, the absolute clarity and certainty in his structural choices. 
Vincent’s palette in this garden landscape consists of primary and secondary colors squeezed straight from the tube, some tinted with white to heighten their hues. Unlike in the ploughman painting of 2 September or the view of the Chapelle de Saint-Paul completed in early October, Vincent avoided here the use of mixed half-tones, the mauve and purplish, violet shades that he liked to employ when rendering soil or other earthen textures. Most noticeable here are the striations of pigment applied in emphatic, rhythmically repeated, directional brushstrokes, that describe the shape of the garden walk—in bright yellow sunlight and reddish ochre shadow—and like guidepost arrows actively lead the eye into the composition, sighting on the dark, slender cypress. The still leafy trees and firs appear to undulate in a trans-seasonal mistral wind. 
Vincent shipped his recent Saint-Rémy paintings to Theo in batches, seven in all, the first on 15 July, the day before his summer “attack”. Two shipments followed in September, two more in December, the sixth in early January, and the seventh, largest, and final group at the end of April 1890. The artist included Arbres dans le jardin de lasile in the fourth batch, the most numerous he assembled during 1889, as one of the “autumn studies” he mentioned in Letter no. 824. Vincent dispatched this large package to Paris on 6 December 1889. 
The impact of Vincent’s work on subsequent painters first reached momentous proportions in the early years of the 20th century, breaking ground and seeding the furrows for the subjective, expressionist instinct that lay at the heart of much art to come. André Derain introduced Henri Matisse to Maurice de Vlaminck at the first major Van Gogh exhibition in Paris, at Galerie Bernheim-Jeune in 1901; together they ignited their explosive charges of Fauve color at the 1905 Salon d’Automne. “One can’t live in a household that is too well kept.” Matisse remarked to Tériade in 1929. “One has to go off into the jungle to find simpler ways which won’t stifle the spirit. The influence of Gauguin and Van Gogh were felt then” (quoted in J. Flam, ed., Matisse on Art, Berkeley, 1995, p. 84). 
The German art world took to Van Gogh with even greater interest and enthusiasm—as if with the passion of having recognized a kindred spirit. Paul Cassirer, the leading dealer of modern art in Berlin, developed a close, working relationship with Theo’s widow Johanna, née Bonger; from her holdings and in conjunction with Bernheim-Jeune he organized pioneering exhibitions of Vincent’s paintings in Germany during 1905 and 1908. The dealer included Arbres dans le jardin de lasile in the show, comprising 27 pictures, seen in Berlin during March 1908, and among a total of 41 when—as re-organized by Cornelius M. van Gogh, the artist’s uncle—the exhibition traveled to Zürich in July. Other selections of pictures from Johanna’s collection were shown that summer in Munich and Dresden. The effect on young German painters was transformative, producing the “greatest impact an exhibition could have ever exerted,” Walter Feilchenfeldt has written, “on the development of modern art in Germany” (op. cit., 2013, p. 26).

 

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

Paul Cézanne (1839-1906), Bouilloire et fruits, 1888-1890

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2019_NYR_17154_0018A_000(paul_cezanne_bouilloire_et_fruits)

Lot 18A. Paul Cézanne (1839-1906), Bouilloire et fruits, oil on canvas, 19 1/8 x 23 5/8 in. (48.6 x 60 cm.) Painted in 1888-1890. Estimate On Request. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenanceBaron Denys Cochin, Paris. 
Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paris (acquired from the above, 11 March 1902). 
Paul Cassirer, Berlin (acquired from the above, 5 February 1903). 
Hugo Cassirer, Berlin (acquired from the above). 
Lotte Cassirer-Fürstenberg, Berlin (by descent from the above by 1933; on deposit at the Gemeentemuseum, The Hague, from 1933 and until 1939; then on extended loan to the Municipal Art Gallery, Johannesburg, circa 1939-1952). 
Justin K. Thannhauser, New York (acquired from the above, 1952).
Drs. Harry and Ruth Bakwin, New York (by 1955).
Michael Bakwin, Stockbridge, Massachusetts (by descent from the above; stolen in May 1978 and recovered in 1999); sale, Sotheby's, London, 7 December 1999, lot 31.
Acquired at the above sale by the present owner.

Literature: Berlin, Paul Cassirer, XII. Jahrgang, III. Ausstellung, November-December 1909, no. 36 (titled Stilleben).
Cologne, Städtische Ausstellungshalle, Internationale Kunstausstellung des Sonderbundes Westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler zu Cöln, May-September 1912, no. 130 (titled Stilleben, Früchte und Kanne auf weißer Tifchdecke). 
Gemeentemuseum, The Hague, Catalogus van de schilderijen, aquarellen en teekeningen, 1935, p. 45, no. 31-33 (illustrated, titled Stilleven met appels and dated 1895). 
The Art Institute of Chicago and New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cézanne: Paintings, Watercolors & Drawings, A Loan Exhibition, February-May 1952, p. 76, no. 84 (illustrated; titled Still Life: Jug and Fruitand dated 1890-1894). 
Atlanta Art Association Galleries and Birmingham Museum of Art, Painting: School of France, September-November 1955, no. 28 (titled Bouilloire et fruits divers and dated 1890-1894). 
Santa Barbara Museum of Art, Fruits and Flowers in Painting, August-September 1958, p. 19, no. 32 (illustrated, p. 11; titled Still Life: Jug and Fruit and dated 1890-1894). 
New York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc., Cézanne, November-December 1959, no. 37 (illustrated; titled Nature Morte: Bouilloire et Fruits and dated 1890-1894).
New York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc. and Massachusetts, Rose Art Museum, Modern French Painting, April-June 1962, no. 9 (titled Nature Morte: Bouilloire et Fruits and dated 1890-1894). 
New York, The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, Cézanne and Structure in Modern Painting, June-August 1963 (titled Still Life and dated 1890-1894).
New York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc., Olympia's Progeny: French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist Paintings (1865-1905), October-November 1965, no. 65 (illustrated; titled Nature morte and dated 1890-1894). 
New York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc., The Dr. and Mrs. Harry Bawkin Collection, October-November 1967, p. 54, no. 6 (illustrated, p. 13; titled Nature morte: bouilloire et fruits and dated 1890-1894). 
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Collects, July-September 1968, p. 6, no. 25 (dated 1890-1894). 
New York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc., One Hundred Years of Impressionism, April-May 1970, no. 76 (illustrated; titled Nature Morte: Bouilloire et Fruitsand dated 1890-1894).

Note“Toiles des luttes” or “canvases of struggle”—that is what Georges Seurat called his large paintings destined to be absolute masterpieces of “Scientific Impressionism.” For the older French painter Paul Cézanne, each canvas was a “toile de lutte-” not just the big ones. The few places in his letters in which he discusses his method, painting for him was fraught with indecision, doubt, and—well—struggle, and he was supremely aware that he rarely succeeded in wrestling a painting to any state of successful completion. 
One particularly relevant letter, written to the Belgian art critic Octave Maus on November 29 of 1889, makes his ambivalence to—and fear of failure in—his own paintings particularly clear: “I must tell you that the numerous studies [by which Cézanne means paintings] to which I have devoted myself produced only negative results, and, dreading criticism that is only too justified, I had resolved to work in silence, until the day when I could feel capable of defending theoretically the results of my endeavors.” Cézanne was 50 years old when he wrote those sentences. 
Every painting by Cézanne—no matter its mode or “subject”—was at war with itself—each stroke or group of adjacent strokes was placed in a particular spot on the canvas like a move in a chess match. For Cézanne, the adversary was the art of painting—or rather more precisely the individual painting on which he worked. Witness accounts of his painting habits—rare and unreliable as they are—tell us that he took long periods of time between strokes, much like grand masters in chess spend concentrated periods analyzing the last moves made by their adversary and deliberating the best counter move….For chess players, it is the number of moves and responses in advance of the particular move that determines the quality of the player—the higher the number, the better the player. “If s(he) does this, I will do that, and on and on until the match is won or lost.
It is odd to think that a painting can be “won” or “lost,” but, for Cézanne, the struggle was on-going, and only in the final decade of his life did his successes outnumber his “incompletions.” This situation resulted in many paintings that seem to contemporary viewers to be “unfinished”—as if the last move resulted in a stalemate. And, perhaps in mute acknowledgement of this idea, Cézanne signed very few of his paintings and kept many of them for decades. No one, to my knowledge, has argued that he worked again on canvases abandoned years ago, largely because he probably didn’t. Indeed, the intensity of his working method made it difficult for him to refight old battles on the same field. 
The lucky institution or individual who eventually owns Boullloire et fruits (I will persist with the French) will be able to “watch,” or, perhaps better, decode Cézanne painting posthumously by going carefully over the painting and questioning certain marks or areas of spatial and compositional problems or visual inconsistencies. Why, for example, did he suppress what was clearly to have been a lemon or apple in the lower right corner of the table, but leaves enough visual clues so that any viewer knows that, at one time, he wanted the fruit? And, in another area, why did the lovingly paint the wooden handle of the pewter kettle without giving us any idea how it is attached—either at the top or the bottom—to the kettle itself? 
And, while we are at it, what of the kettle? Like many masters of still-life painting, Cézanne used a small number of “props” to compose the still-life itself before painting it. Many of these appear over and over in his oeuvre, probably not because he liked them, but because he knew them and could place them in arrangements with a certainty based on knowledge. Yet, in all of his still-life paintings, there is only one other with a “bouilloire,” and it was painted in a completely different manner in 1867. 
The Musée d’Orsay's, Nature morte avec bouilloire, remained with Cézanne until the mid-1890s, a few years after the present work was painted. Did he pull it out of a pile of canvases, reminding himself of the pewter kettle that he had so lovingly painted perhaps as much as 20 years before the present work was begun? Or, more likely, was the same kettle available as he sought to set up the still-life—a much more complex one than the 1867 canvas—that he sought to tackle sometime in the late 1880s, when he wrote the doubt-filled passage quoted above. 
The kettles are so similar that surely they are one and the same. But can we be sure? Cézanne painted the kettle in the earlier still-life with an almost dogged insistence on its physical character. The pewter is represented with gray paint into which he adds white and black to create a tonal range. The lid and its shiny metal top is carefully delineated as it’s the wooden handle (metal would be too hot to handle when the water came to a boil). 
By contrast the body of kettle in the present work is similarly composed of two seamed pewter parts, with a top so generically painted that we cannot compare it to the earlier one. So too the wooden handle, which, in the present work, is the color of pewter near the top and of wood near its base. There is no pewter connector to the top of the kettle as there is in the carefully painted earlier kettle. And what of color? While the earlier kettle is painted with what we take to be an accurate pewter-like gray, the later kettle is painted with strokes and touches of pink, lavender, pale blue, turquoise, white, ivory, dark gray, blue, brown, and red. Can it be “pewter?”
The same can be said of the voluminous painted folds of the “white” table cloth carefully arranged almost as a fabric mountain range of peaks and folded valleys in virtually every color in the palette. It is worth examining this “monochrome” cloth by counting the colors that “represent” it in the present work. Just like the kettle, it is a chromatic symphony of green, yellow, red, blue, turquoise, lavender, orange, mauve, ivory, and on and on and on. With our chess game metaphor in the front of our mind, it is easy to image Cézanne adding a touch of Granny-Apple-Green to an apple and, for his next chromatic move, making sure that reds—pale or full-throated—played chromatic games with it. One touch leads to the next and the next and then to the chromatic “correction” that surprised even the artist.
Without knowing anything about Cézanne’s life, we can experience the full drama of creation simply by looking carefully—and for prolonged periods in different light conditions—at the painting. And the “dance of color” tells us nothing about the comparable, but different dance of forms that make up a composition. Cézanne was a master of still-life painting, and the range of compositional strategies he used is unprecedented in the western still-life tradition. 
Generations of art history students seated in undergraduate courses are taught about the range of visual imbalances we can see in Cézanne still-life paintings. Apples are arrested as they seem to run off the table or roll down the slanted floor, and table tops tilt and almost careen vertiginously as if in a kind of formal roller derby that is anything but “still.” If, in French, “nature” is “dead” in this mode of painting, in English life is “stilled.” Cézanne does not need to add flowers or plants to create “life” in his “nature mort”—indeed the sense of movement and even restlessness is everywhere. And, by extension, his “life” is really never “still” except that his paintings themselves no longer move. The possibility of movement is in virtually every Cézanne “still-life.” 
Bouilloire et fruits is one of a type of still-life compositions in which there is only one stabilizing vertical element—the kettle—around which the various groupings of 1, 3, 4, and 5 fruits are set within valleys of “white” drapery. These dispersed compositions are countered in his production by another type of still-life in which the fruits are grouped in a circular bowl, dish, or basket, around which a few dispersed elements are arranged so that they escape the order of the circle. In painting the carefully piled apples or fruits, Cézanne was as interested in representing the spaces among the spherical orbs as the solid fruits themselves, and, when we look for the “outline” that so often caresses “solid” forms, we confront Cézanne’s lines that, often as not, float free of the forms they describe, just as his colors define the forms themselves without ever “touching” the imaginary outline. 
Yet in the present work, we see what we take to be large and small apples, two or three oranges, at least one pear, and one lemon, all of which are held in their areas by the folds of cloth. There is no bowl, plate, or basket to contain them, and they seem to defy any order other than Cézanne’s own pictorial order—similarly to Henri Matisse's Nature morte bleue. Thus, he gives himself the task of making the disorderly orderly, of creating a pictorial world in which the complexity of the actual world is at once celebrated and brought to form by carefully placed strokes of color—either patches or groups of painted lines. His “struggle” is against the very still-life he created for himself to paint, and the future owner of this work is in for years and years of rewarding looking.
I raise the question of ownership, because it is always important for works of art. We sometime fetishize the provenance of a work of art in order to layer that work with the aura of important collectors. For this one, we need go no further than its first owner, Baron Denys Cochin. Cochin bought and sold the painting within Cézanne’s lifetime, making him one of perhaps a dozen non-artist collectors who owned works by the Master of Aix before his death in 1906, when his works were widely collected throughout the world. For our purposes, it is not who owned the work, but that it was sold by Cézanne or his son in the 1890s. This tells us that Cézanne worked on it as much as he wanted to and that its current state of “incompletion” was somehow sanctioned by the artist himself or, at the very least, accepted by its first owner.
At present, we do not know whether the work was acquired directly from Cézanne—or, more likely, his son, who remained in Paris and acted as his father’s agent. This raises the tantalizing idea that the work was in fact painted in Paris and left there either in his studio or in the Paris apartments in which his wife or son lived. It is also possible, though in no way provable, that the work was included in the large and completely undocumented Cézanne exhibition at Vollard’s gallery in Paris in 1895. No list of the exhibition survives, and Cézanne painted so many paintings of the same motifs that, even if it did, we would have difficulty identifying without Vollard Inventory numbers. Apparently Vollard had access to so many pictures and there was such a pent-up desire for Parisians to see paintings by Cézanne, that he reinstalled the gallery at least three times to show as many works as possible. Thus, the most important exhibition of Cézanne’s lifetime is an art historical quagmire in which this painting may have been shown. 
Baron Cochin may have been a speculator rather than what we might call a “real” collector, but, before his death in 1922, he owned 31 paintings by Cézanne, more than most other French collectors (with the exception of the omnivorous Auguste Pellerin, to whom Cochin sold pictures—and from whom he bought others—by Cézanne). These 31 paintings are grouped online in the most important single source for a full understanding of the artist, the online catalogue raisonné called The Paintings of Paul Cézanne: An Online Catalogue Raisonné. They are now scattered throughout the world in public and private collections and, were they to be brought together, could constitute a small-scale retrospective of the artist at his finest. 
They include 13 landscapes from 1870 to the years before his death, four portraits (three of women and one an unusual late self-portrait based on a photograph), one genre scene (the Orsay’s great Cardplayers), two female and one male bather, two cityscapes, and, most importantly for our purposes, seven still-life paintings made between 1877 and the years before the painter’s death. These alone are worth of a small, thoughtful exhibition and can be found in the Museum of Fine Arts Budapest, the Neue Pinakotek in Munich, The Beyeler Foundation outside Basel, and the Courtauld Gallery in London in addition to private collections. Two of these, Pichet de gres in the Beyeler Collection and Nature morte avec l’amour en platre in the Courtauld are as bold as any still-life painted by Cézanne. 
The present work is the only one among the seven that has significant areas of primed canvas visible and is, in certain ways, the boldest acquisition for Baron Cochin to have made. The Baron sold the picture to Durand-Ruel Gallery on the 11th of March 1902, four years before Cézanne’s death. There is evidence in the literature to suggest that Baron Cochin was actually an investor/speculator with Durand-Ruel, but, if he was, one or the other of them had an unfailing eye for Cézanne. From Cochin it went to Germany until after WWII when it was acquired by Justin Thannhauser, who sold it after ten years to another distinguished collector-couple, Drs. Harry and Ruth Bakwin, Vienna-form physicians who created one of the finest private collections of the post-war period in New York. The work was then acquired some 20 years ago by S.I. Newhouse, one of the most influential cultural figures and astute collector of the latter half of the 20th-century. Cézanne’s struggles to “incomplete” Bouilloire et fruits have been tracked in some detail here, and, because of them, he created a work of almost unparalleled energy for a “still-life.” Five generations of truly great collectors have recognized this energy. Now, we need a new one. 
Written by Dr. Richard Brettell

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

An amber-glazed amphora, Tang Dynasty (618-907)

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An amber-glazed amphora, Tang Dynasty (618-907)

Lot 11. An amber-glazed amphora, Tang Dynasty (618-907); 38.5cm (15 1/8in) high. Estimate £ 3,000 - 5,000 (€ 3,500 - 5,800). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The baluster body rising to a rounded shoulder surmounted by a tall waisted neck and everted lipped rim, flanked by a pair of curved strap handles terminating in dragon heads biting the cup-shaped rim, splashed with an amber glaze stopping irregularly and exposing the unglazed lower body. 

Provenance: Bluett and Sons Ltd., London, 27 November 1989
A distinguished English private collection.

NoteA related amphora, Tang dynasty, is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York and is illustrated by S.G.Valenstein, A Handbook of Chinese Ceramics, New York, 1989, pl.64. Another is illustrated by R.Y.Lefebvre d'Argence, The Hans Popper Collection of Oriental Art, San Francisco, 1973, pl.50.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 


An amber-glazed bowl, Tang Dynasty (618-907)

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An amber-glazed bowl, Tang Dynasty (618-907)

Lot 12. An amber-glazed bowl, Tang Dynasty (618-907); 19cm (7 1/2in) diam. Estimate £2,000 - 3,000 (€ 2,300 - 3,500). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Finely potted with deep ridged sides rising to a slightly everted rim, covered except the base in a rich honey-brown glaze pooling in the interior and around the foot.

Provenance: Roger Keverne Ltd., Winter Exhibition, London, 2006, no.31.
A distinguished English private collection.

NoteThe result of Oxford Authentication Ltd. thermoluminescence test no.C100b87 dated 4 February 2000, is consistent with the dating of this lot.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), Tête, circa 1911-1912

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2019_NYR_17154_0031A_000(amedeo_modigliani_tete)

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Lot 31A. Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), Tête, limestone, Height: 20 1/8 in. (51 cm.), Carved circa 1911-1912; unique. Estimate USD 30,000,000 - USD 40,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

Provenance: Private collection, Paris. 
Anon. sale, Maître E. Ader, Palais Galliera, Paris, 12 December 1962, lot 18. 
Private collection, France.
Galerie Beyeler, Basel (acquired from the above, 1964). 
Sir Edward and Lady Hulton, London (acquired from the above, 20 October 1964). 
Marlborough Gallery, London (acquired from the above, 1981). 
Private collection, Switzerland (acquired from the above, 1981 and until 2010). 
Thomas Gibson Fine Art, Ltd., London. 
Acquired from the above by the present owner, 2010.

Literature: A. Werner, Modigliani: The Sculptor, New York, 1962, pp. 54-55 (illustrated).
A. Ceroni, Amedeo Modigliani: Dessins et sculptures, Milan, 1965, p. 25, no. XVIII (illustrated, pl. 77).
C. Csorba, Modigliani, Budapest, 1969 (illustrated, pl. 5). 
A. Ceroni, I dipinti di Modigliani, Milan, 1970, p. 106, no. XVIII (illustrated, p. 108).
J. Lanthemann, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, sa vie, son oeuvre complet, son art, Barcelona, 1970, p. 142, no. 621 (illustrated, p. 314; titled Tête d'homme and dated 1910-1911).
N.L. Rizzatti, Modigliani, Milan, 1980, p. 101. 
J. Lassaigne, Tout Modigliani, Paris, 1982, p. 8. 
V. Durbé, Modigliani, gli anni della scultura, Milan, 1984 (illustrated, pl. 21). 
B. Schuster, Modigliani: A Study of His Sculpture, Jacksonville, 1986, pp. 45, 49-51 and 57, no. XXVII (illustrated, pp. 45, 49, 82 and 88; dated 1914-1915). 
O. Patani, Amedeo Modigliani: Catalogo General, Sculture e Disegni, 1909-1914, Milan, 1992, p. 59, no. 20 (illustrated). 
G. Belli, F. Fergonzi, A. del Puppo, eds., Modigliani: Sculptor, exh. cat., Museo di Arte Moderna e Contemporanea, Rovereto, 2010, pp. 35, 44, 65-66, 120, 164 and 210, no. XVIII (illustrated, p. 66, fig. 5; illustrated again, p. 121; with incorrect medium). 
C. Parisot, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Rome, 2012, p. 122, no. XVIII/XXX (illustrated, p. 123; details illustrated, p. 122; titled Tête d'homme). 
F. Fergonzi, Filologia del 900: Modigliani Sironi Morandi Martini, Milan, 2013, pp. 48 and 66-67 (illustrated, p. 66, fig. 61). 

ExhibitedWuppertal, Kunst and Museumsverein; Rotterdam, Museum Boymans van Beuningen; Frankfurter Kunstverein; Munich, Stadlische Galerie im Lenbachhaus; Dortmund, Museum am Ostwall; Karlsruhe, Badischer Kunstverein; Humlebaek, Louisiana Museum; Dallas, Museum of Fine Arts; Lunds, Konsthall; Stockholm, Moderna Museet; Helsinki, Amos Anderson Konstmuseum; Goteborge, Kunstmuseum and Kunsthaus Zürich, The Collection of Sir Edward and Lady Hulton, September 1964-January 1968, p. 14, no. 31. 
Martigny, Fondation Pierre Gianadda, Modigliani et l'école de Paris, en collaboration avec le centre Pompidou et les collections suisses, June-November 2013, p. 34, no. 5 (illustrated in color, pp. 34-35).

Note: Of the twenty-six unique sculptures by Modigliani, sixteen can be found in public institutions, including The Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth; Musée national d’art moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris; The National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.; Lille Metropole Musée d'art moderne, d'art contemporain et d'art brut; Philadelphia Museum of Art; Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York; The Museum of Modern Art, New York; The Tate Gallery, London; The Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge; The Princeton University Art Museum; The Barnes Foundation, Philadelphia; The Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, Washington, D.C. and The Minneapolis Institute of Art.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019 

Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), Lunia Czechowska (à la robe noire), 1919

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Lot 25. Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), Lunia Czechowska (à la robe noire), signed 'modigliani' (upper right), oil on canvas, 36 3/8 x 23 5/8 in. (92.4 x 60 cm.). Painted in 1919. Estimate USD 12,000,000 - USD 18,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenanceLeopold Zborowski, Paris. 
Mr. and Mrs. Cornelius J. Sullivan, New York (acquired from the above, by 1932); Estate sale, Parke-Bernet Galleries, Inc., New York, 6 December 1939, lot 58.
Chester Dale, New York (acquired at the above sale). 
M. Knoedler & Co., Inc., New York (acquired from the above, 5 April 1954). 
Acquired from the above by the late owner, 3 November 1954.

Literature: M. Dale, Modern Art: Modigliani, New York, 1929 (illustrated, pl. 31; incorrectly titled Portrait of Mme Zborowska). 
A. Pfannstiel, L'art et la vie: Modigliani, Paris, 1929, p. 49 (illustrated). 
A. Pfannstiel, Modigliani et son oeuvre: Etude critique et catalogue raisonné, Paris, 1956, pp. 153-154, no. 293. 
A. Ceroni, Amedeo Modigliani: Peintre, Milan, 1958, p. 67, no. 145 (illustrated). 
A. Ceroni and L. Piccioni, I dipinti di Modigliani, Milan, 1970, p. 104, no. 318 (illustrated). 
J. Lanthemann, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, sa vie, son oeuvre complet, son art, Barcelona, 1970, p. 133, no. 382 (illustrated, p. 261). 
A. Davis, "Sutton Place Townhouse: Italian Designer Blends Fine Art and Décor" in Architectural Digest, December 1977, pp. 38-47 (illustrated in color in situ in Drue Heinz's home, p. 34). 
C. Roy, Modigliani, Geneva, 1985, pp. 140 and 158 (illustrated, p. 140; dated 1918). 
T. Castieau-Barrielle, La vie et l'oeuvre de Amedeo Modigliani, Paris, 1987, p. 206 (illustrated). 
J.C. Oates, The Assignation, New York, 1988 (illustrated in color on the cover). 
C. Parisot, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Florence, 1991, vol. II, pp. 245 and 342, no. 16/1919 (illustrated, p. 245).
O. Patani, Amedeo Modigliani: Catalogo generale dipinti, Milan, 1991, p. 322, no. 329 (illustrated). 
C. Parisot, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Florence, 2012, vol. V, no. 16/1919 (illustrated in color)

ExhibitedThe Springfield Museum of Fine Arts, Opening Exhibition in Honor of James Philip and Julia Emma Gray, October-November 1933, p. 32, no. 120. 
New York, Valentine Gallery (Valentine Dudensing), Twelve Portraits by Modigliani and a Group of Modern French Paintings, January 1940, no. 12. 
Philadelphia Museum of Art, Paintings from the Chester Dale Collection, 1943 (illustrated; dated 1918). 
Cincinnati Art Museum, Amedeo Modigliani: Paintings, Sculpture and Drawings, April-May 1959, no. 21 (dated circa 1918). 
New Haven, Yale University Art Gallery, Paintings, Drawings and Sculpture Collected by Yale Alumni, May-June 1960, p. 100, no. 107 (illustrated; titled Portrait of Madame Chechowska and dated 1918). 
London, National Portrait Gallery, Painting the Century: 101 Portrait Masterpieces 1900-2000, October 2000-February 2001, p. 90 (illustrated in color, p. 91). 
London, Royal Academy of the Arts, Modigliani and His Models, July-October 2006, p. 135, no. 47 (illustrated in color, p. 134).

NoteIn the hours before dawn on 20 May 2010, Vjeran Tomic, a veteran Parisian cat burglar, stole five paintings from the Musée d’Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris (MAM), masterworks by Braque, Léger, Matisse, Picasso, and Modigliani, valued at more than $125 million. First, he removed from its frame the Léger, the picture which the instigator of the heist, a small gallery owner, had coveted and expressly requested for himself. Tomic next took down Matisse’s fauve Pastorale, 1905. 
Then, as Jake Halpern has recounted in The New Yorker, “he noticed Modigliani’s ‘Woman with a Fan,’ a portrait of the artist’s muse and obsession, Lunia Czechowska. Tomic fixated on the image, which depicted Czechowska in a yellow dress, her eyes a cloudy white [Ceroni, no. 321]. ‘The woman in the picture was worthy of a living being, ready to dance a tango,’ he wrote to me. ‘It could have almost been reality.’ He stole the Modigliani, too.” Tomic went on to add the Braque and Picasso to his cache; he hesitated over a second Modigliani, Femme aux yeux bleus, but passed up the opportunity (“A Night at the Museum: France’s most daring art thief,” The New Yorker, 14 January 2019, p. 34). 
Tomic and two accomplices were apprehended, convicted, and are currently serving their prison terms. The five paintings, however, were never recovered, and are believed to have been well-hidden away or possibly destroyed. The perpetrator claimed to possess a special instinct for detecting and appreciating quality in art, and perhaps even his critical opinion may count when understanding the universal appeal of a great Modigliani painting, moreover the beguiling mystique inherent in certain portraits—especially one depicting Lunia Czechowska, who may well possess the most distinctive and memorably haunting visage among all the many women whom the artist painted. 
Lunia was 25 when she sat for the present portrait, which Joseph Lanthemann praised for its qualities “de noblesse, de beauté et de communion” (op. cit., 1970, p. 133). Her fine, delicate features bespeak a discerning intelligence, a rare sensitivity, and a compassionate nature. While we know that she and the artist loved each other, and they appeared to have been soulmates such as two people may experience only once in a lifetime, we can only speculate at the extent to which they may actually have been lovers, in the most complete, physical sense of such a relationship as well. 
The best-known female face in Modigliani’s oeuvre, from early 1917 to his death on 24 January 1920, is that of Jeanne Hébuterne, the artist’s companion and mother of his daughter, also named Jeanne. Hébuterne immortalized the legend of an impassioned and tragically fated amour bohème, when two days after the artist’s passing, pregnant with their second child, she leapt to her death from a fifth-floor window. Modigliani frequently painted two other women in his innermost circle, on whom he often relied during this period: Anna (“Hanka”) Zborowska, the common-law wife of the artist’s devoted dealer Léopold Zborowski, and Lunia Czechowska, married to a close friend of Léopold. All were Polish émigrés in Paris. Modigliani painted Léopold five times, and created ten portraits each of Hanka and Lunia, featuring in sum the two women on canvas nearly as often as he did his companion Jeanne during the same three-year period. 
“Happiness is an angel with a serious face,” Modigliani wrote to Paul Alexandre, his earliest patron, on a postcard from Livorno, dated June 1913 (quoted in D. Krystof, Modigliani: The Poetry of Seeing, Cologne, 2006, p. 88). Lunia’s ethereal features perfectly suited the artist’s fascination with this type; her serious demeanor and youthfully lithe, feminine figure moreover lent themselves well to the primary influences the artist liked to incorporate and show off in his portraits. The plunging “V” of Lunia’s cylindrical neck and her blade-like décolleté, stark against the blackness of her robe in the present painting, allude to the hallmark swan-like neck and tilted head in the Mannerist practice of the 16th century Italian masters Parmigianino and Pontormo. 
The modernist fascination with African tribal art is manifest in Lunia’s ovoid facial features; the broad, high forehead, the subtle lift of her Slav cheekbones, the tiny, lozenge-shaped mouth contained with the narrowing curves of her jawline, down to the pointed tip of her chin, mirrors the serene, “classical” symmetry of Baulé masks from the Ivory Coast, believed to be the secular portraits of living persons. The eye slits in these masks appear as the blank eyes in Modigliani’s carved stone heads during 1907-1913, and again as the “cloudy white eyes”—which had intrigued the thief Tomic at MAM Paris—in many of the subsequent oil paintings. “This gives the paintings an aloofness,” Alan Wilkinson has written, “a kind of distancing from the model, that echoes the mysterious character of his sculptures” (Primitivism in 20th Century Art, exh. cat., The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1984, p. 423). 
Known in his day and admired among his circle of friends primarily as a portraitist, Modigliani prided himself on his skill as an acute observer of the variety and nuances in human character, especially among men, and in his paintings of women, his ability to evoke the serene, beatific beauty of léternel féminin. “To do any work, I must have a living person,” he explained to the painter Léopold Survage, “I must be able to see him opposite me” (quoted in J. Modigliani, Modigliani: Man and Myth, New York, 1958, p. 82). Modigliani was keen on capturing the essence of his sitter, not as a naturalistic likeness, but as an abstract, depersonalized representation stemming from his own pictorial synthesis of seeing and style. 
Lunia was born Ludwika Makowska in Prague in 1894. Her father was a Polish patriot who actively opposed the Russian and Austrian partition of the Polish homeland. In 1907, after serving two years of a fifteen-year prison sentence for his role in a workers’ strike in Warsaw, then under Czarist rule, Makowski moved his family to Krakow in the Austrian zone. Upon graduating from the gymnasium in 1913, Lunia followed her father’s wishes and moved to Paris. There she met Kazimierz Czechowski, another recent Polish émigré, also a patriot, with whom she fell in love; they married on 21 June 1915. Zborowski and Czechowski had known each other since childhood; when Léopold arrived in Paris in 1913 to study modern art at the Sorbonne, he moved in with his old friend. Anna (“Hanka”) Sierzpowska had been living in Paris with her sister since 1910. She met Léopold at the Café de la Rotonde on 2 August 1914, at the beginning of First World War. Although they never formally married, Hanka always referred to Léopold as her husband. 
The painter Moïse Kisling, also Polish-born, introduced Zborowski to Modigliani in 1916. The aspiring dealer first saw the Italian artist’s paintings later that year, in a group show at the Lyre et Palette, the Montparnasse atelier of the Swiss painter Émile Lejeune. Zborowski attended the event with Hanka, Lunia, and Kazimierz. In the recollections—“Les Souvenirs”—that Lunia wrote in 1953, which Ambrogio Ceroni published in his 1958 monograph Amedeo Modigliani, Peintre, she dated the event to June; the show actually opened in mid-November. Various discrepancies with known circumstances may be found in Lunia’s Souvenirs. When William Fifield interviewed her during the early 1970s for his biography of Modigliani, she complained that Ceroni “failed to reproduce” what she had told him. “We went to the exhibition,” she recounted for Fifield, “it was the Lyre et Palette, and Modigliani was present… He said he hadn’t time for Léopold, but seeing that we women were with him he returned and said we should perhaps meet in an hour. And we went to the Rotonde” (Modigliani: The Biography, New York, 1976, pp. 222 and 274). 
“He came and sat next to me,” Lunia wrote in Les Souvenirs. “I was struck by his distinctiveness, his luminosity, and the beauty of his eyes. He was at once very simple and very noble.” Modigliani began to sketch Lunia. “I was quite young and very shy”—she continued—“and I became frightened, when Modigliani asked, after several minutes, in the presence of my husband, to go out with me that very night. Because to Modigliani, I was alone. He felt so strongly towards me he would have liked me to abandon everything to follow him. Confused, I responded that I was not free. Poor dear friend, what seemed so natural to him seemed to me so strange! Zborowski came to my rescue, saying that plans for the evening had already been made, and he invited Modigliani to join us. He refused. Turning towards me, he asked, while offering the drawing he had made of me, to come pose the next day for a portrait” (“Les Souvenirs de Lunia Czechowska,” in A. Ceroni, Amedeo Modigliani, Peintre, Milan, 1958, pp. 20 and 21; all excerpts here translated by Lara Abouhamad). 
Based on Lunia’s June dating of the 1916 Lyre et Palette group exhibition, Ceroni ascribed that year to the first portrait that Modigliani painted of her, listing it as no. 73 in his 1958 catalogue. When it became clear that the show actually opened in mid-November, pushing back subsequent related events, Ceroni re-dated Modigliani’s first portrait of Lunia to 1917, and listed it as such in his final Modigliani catalogue (I dipinti di Modigliani, Milan, 1970, no. 169).
“He did my first portrait in a black dress (this painting is now in the Musée de Grenoble),” Lunia wrote in her memoir. “I knew from Zbo already that he liked to drink while he painted. Never will I be able to forget the first sitting session. After several hours passed, I was no longer scared of him. I can still see him in his dress shirt, all tousled, trying to fix my features on the canvas. From time to time, he would reach his hand towards the bottle of Vieux Marc. I would see the alcohol take its effect: he got excited, I didn’t exist anymore—he saw only his painting. He was so absorbed that he would speak to me in Italian. He painted with such violence that as he was leaning in closer to see the canvas, it fell over on his head. I was terrified; confused at having scared me, he looked at me tenderly, and started singing to me songs in Italian to make me forget the incident… We became really great friends from then on. He was a charming being, refined and delicate. I knew he loved me, but I felt for him just a profound friendship. We went out together a lot, vagabonding around Paris” (ibid., p. 21).
Paul Guillaume had been acting as Modigliani’s dealer, but with hardly any sales to show for his efforts, and having grown impatient with the artist’s difficult behavior, the gallerist was amenable to passing him on to Zborowski—a dreamy novice who worked out of his home only, but was fired with an absolute passion for the painter’s work. Zborowski gave Modigliani a daily stipend of fifteen francs, and covered the costs of art supplies, the painter’s requisite wine and spirits as well. Having reserved a room in his and Hanka’s new apartment at 3, rue Joseph-Bara for use as a studio, he set Modigliani to work on a series of salable nudes. The artist completed twenty such canvases in all (Ceroni, nos. 184-203). Fifield stated that Lunia “almost certainly” posed for Le grand nu (no. 200; The Museum of Modern Art, New York), “though she would never admit it” (op. cit., 1976, p. 160). 
Modigliani painted four, fully clothed portraits of Lunia in 1917 (Ceroni, nos. 169-172). Despite all signs that she would remain faithful to her marriage with Kazimierz Czechowski, the artist persisted in seeking a romantic liaison with her. “I was always the mysterious woman to him”—Lunia told Fifield—“the Sphinx, Cleopatra, there were things he did not know” (ibid., p. 222). Modigliani must have felt especially encouraged in 1917, when in the wake of the February Revolution in Russia, which resulted in the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II, Czechowski decided to return to his homeland and agitate for independence. He joined Lenin’s Red Army following the October Bolshevik Revolution. He had entrusted Lunia to the care of Léopold and Hanka, who took her into their apartment. Modigliani saw her often, when he regularly arrived to paint during the afternoon. Czechowski did not live to see Poland freed from foreign hegemony. In 1918, while in a hospital recovering from wounds, his Russian comrades learned he was a Polish revolutionary—someone who would eventually turn against and fight them—and had him summarily shot. Lunia did not learn of her husband’s fate until 1921. 
“Although she was a married woman,” Pierre Sichel wrote, “Lunia was impressionable, and her writings betray that she instantly fell in love with Modi, although she was always to insist that theirs was an exalted spiritual attachment, of the soul alone” (Modigliani, London, 1967, p. 327). The stress of a love thwarted by circumstance would have surely become unbearable for both Modigliani and Lunia, had not Jeanne Hébuterne, newly turned nineteen in April 1917, caught the artist’s eye, likely at the Académie Colarossi, where she was a student. Within a month they became lovers, and in July they moved from the artist’s tiny hovel of a hotel room which Zborowski had been paying for, and with the bounty from a few sales, into a relatively spacious two-room apartment (but without amenities) at 8, rue de la Grande Chaumière, next door to Jeanne’s art school. 
“Hanka and I cleaned the studio and painted it light gray,” Lunia wrote in Les Souvenirs, although she misdated this development to the summer of 1919. “We installed a stove…. Since we did not have enough money for curtains, we color-washed the glass with blanc despagne. A sofa, a table and a few chairs, those were the furnishings. This kingdom was quite modest but it belonged to him…he could now cook and host his friends. I will never forget the day he took possession of his new domain; his joy was such that we were all deeply moved. He finally had his own little corner for himself, my poor dear friend” (op. cit., 1958, p. 33). 
In March 1918 the Germans began to bombard Paris with huge guns mounted on railway carriages sixty miles away. The following month, Zborowski, Hanka, Modigliani, Jeanne (who was two months pregnant), and her mother—together with Soutine, Foujita, and his wife Fernande Barrey—joined the exodus from the capital, and stayed first in Cagnes-sur-Mer. Lunia remained in the Zborowskis’ Paris apartment. Having no success with sales in Cagnes, Soutine and the Foujitas returned to Paris, while Léopold, Hanka, Modigliani, Jeanne, and her mother moved on to Nice, where the dealer hoped to find clients for his artist’s unusual but appealing style of portraiture. Jeanne and Modigliani’s daughter, named for her mother, was born 29 November 1918—the artist called her, in Italian, “Giovanna”. 
Modigliani returned, alone, to his Paris studio on 31 May 1919, while Jeanne, her mother, and the baby remained five weeks longer in Nice. After a hiatus of more than a year, Modigliani and Lunia resumed their close friendship. They would eat together in the tiny restaurant run by Rosalie Tobia, once a model for successful Salon painters, on the rue Campagne-Première. “After dinner, we would go for a walk in Le petit Luxembourg; it was very hot that summer. Sometimes we would go to the movies, other nights we would leisurely stroll the streets of Paris… He had so much to say that it was difficult to separate when we arrived home. He would speak of Italy, which he would never see again, of the child he wouldn’t see grow up, and he would never mention a word about his art” (ibid., pp. 28-29). Modigliani signed and inscribed a drawing “homage à Madame Chakoska,” depicting Lunia dining at a café table, possibly in Chez Rosalie (Patani, Disegni, no. 498). 
“This peaceful period did not last long,” Lunia lamented (op. cit., p. 29), but afforded Modigliani sufficient time to commence work on the final group of six portraits he painted of her that summer (Ceroni, nos. 317-322). The dark, grayish tonality in the present portrait, à la robe noire, suggests that it was done in Modigliani’s Grande Chaumière studio, which Lunia had helped to paint two summers earlier. This painting possesses a nocturnal aspect—golden lamplight illumines Lunia’s flesh, but barely suffuses the wall behind her, dark in shadow. Lunia sits on the edge of a bed, its wooden back-frame rising behind her right side. This somber setting contrasts sharply with the two portraits in which Modigliani posed Lunia before an Empire mantelpiece, the wall papered in the vivid garnet red that Zborowski chose to decorate his apartment (Ceroni, nos. 321-322; the former stolen from MAM Paris). 
The present portrait is surely the most intimate of the ten pictures that Modigliani painted of Lunia. The artist depicted here an instant of absolute stillness, her passive visage in serene anticipation of some profoundly meaningful moment, an epiphany. One senses the heavy heat of the summer evening in the darkened room. Lunia has just slipped into her black robe, or may soon remove it. Her pale, translucent eyes observe the man with whom she shares this room, on whose bed she sits. Her wistful, self-absorbed expression tells everything, yet reveals nothing at all. Modigliani has seized the very essence of this elusive, enigmatic, angelically pure young woman. This is the “communion” that Lanthemann found so compelling, a moment of transfiguration, a mystery beyond words, yet so profoundly affecting in paint. 
Upon the return of Jeanne and little Giovanna, until a nanny could be found, Lunia stepped in to care for the seven-month-old infant in the Zborowskis’ apartment. If Modigliani was not drunk or acting loudly with friends, the landlady Mme Salomon would allow him in at night. “He would come and sit next to his child,” Lunia wrote, “looking at her with such intensity that he would end up falling asleep; and I would watch over the two of them. My poor dear friend, these were the only moments when he had his daughter to himself” (ibid., p. 29).
One evening that summer, as Modigliani finished a painting session in the Zborowskis’ apartment and Lunia was waiting for the dealer to return home, “I lit a candle,” she recalled, “and proposed that he stay to have dinner with us. While I prepared our meal, he asked me to lift my head for a few seconds, and, in the candlelight, he sketched an admirable drawing, on which he inscribed: ‘La Vita è un Dono: dei pochi ai molti: di Coloro che Sanno e che hanno: a Coloro che non Sanno e che non hanno” [Life is a gift, from the few to the many; from those who know and have, to those who do not know and do not have]” (ibid., pp. 30-32). This drawing reprises the pose in the present portrait, set instead in the Zborowski apartment, with Lunia clad in daytime attire (Patani, Disegni, no. 499). 
Lunia later began to go out with another man—Modigliani assumed she had fallen in love with him. “Modigliani loved [Jeanne],” Lunia wrote, “but he could not stand that I ‘belonged’ to another man, because he thought I no longer wanted to be with him… He made such negative comments to me that I ended up feeling guilty towards him. I would remain his spiritual friend, as was my destiny. I was young and probably romantic; I had to abstract my feelings, because another person needed me as well. I had no life experience and acted only on pure intuition. I forced myself not to love the man I had met” (ibid., p. 32).
The war having ended months before, and Poland again an independent nation, there was still no word from nor about Kazimierz Czechowski. Tensions were running high between the Hébuterne family and Modigliani, of whom they disapproved. The artist had promised them in writing to marry Jeanne, who was again pregnant, but he failed to follow through. He seemed disaffected with his companion, unhappy that Jeanne appeared little interested in their child, whom she might visit only several times a week in a nursery. The artist had begun drinking more heavily to distract himself from—and thereby aggravating—the symptoms of his tubercular condition; the bacillus in his lungs, we now understand, had infected his brain and would soon lead to cerebral meningitis, which killed him. As Modigliani’s confidant, all these matters and concerns took their toll on Lunia as well. 
“Autumn of 1919 was very sad,” Lunia recalled. “I had to leave Paris, as my health required me to leave for the South. My friends [the Zborowskis] were very insistent that Modigliani come with me and he also wanted to. But Jeanne Hébuterne was expecting a second child and the idea of leaving Paris saddened her. She had retained very bad memories from when Giovanna was born [in Nice]; and the idea of Modigliani leaving without her equally saddened her. I thus left alone, promising my friend that we would see each other again soon… I left in November… From time to time, I would send him flowers. I learned from Zbo that he was sick; then he made me believe that he had returned to Italy. No one was mentioning him. I had all sorts of premonitions and I was pained by his silence” (ibid., p. 33). 
Lunia returned to Paris in September 1920 and visited the Zborowskis. “I asked for news of Modigliani right away; they told me that he was in Livorno and that his poor health no longer allowed him to paint. All the friends I ran into repeated the same thing. I noticed that they avoided talking about him; I found this strange and accused them of forgetting him. I spent my first night in the room [in the Zborowski apartment] where Modigliani had created a number of his masterpieces. I had a strange dream: I was at Bourbon l’Archambault in autumn… There was no one around; I was alone with Modigliani, walking along the park’s fence. He held something in his hand that looked like a magazine; he opened it and told me: ‘You see, Lunia, here they are announcing my death; don’t you find it a bit brazen! Look, I am not dead, as you can see yourself.’ I then saw Jeanne Hébuterne approaching us from the end of the street. I said to him: ‘There’s Jeanne, let’s call her.’ He refrained me: ‘No, no, in a minute.’ But moved by seeing Jeanne looking for him, I called her—and then woke up” (ibid., pp. 33-34). 
“I, who never took notice of my dreams, was very impressed”—Lunia continued—“so much so that I still remember it perfectly today, after all these years. It was very early, but I hurried to Hanka’s room to tell her about my dream. I asked her when she had her last news from Modigliani. She reassured me, and I didn’t insist. That afternoon, I visited a Swedish friend who knew of my connection with Modigliani, but who did not know about my friends’ silence. It was she who revealed to me the death of my friend, and Jeanne’s suicide. I was so rattled that I didn’t hold it against my friends who didn’t tell me immediately and who didn’t have the courage to say anything later. I then learned that Modigliani’s death had rendered Jeanne so hopeless that she jumped from the fifth floor. Neither her daughter, nor the child she was expecting, could give her the will to live” (ibid., p. 34). 
Lunia eventually remarried, and as Mme Czechowska-Choroszczo ran a small art gallery in Paris after the Second World War. She died in 1990, at age 96.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

A Dingyao carved 'lotus' lobed dish, Song-Jin Dynasty (960-1234)

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A Dingyao carved 'lotus' lobed dish, Song-Jin Dynasty (960-1234)

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Lot 3. A Dingyao carved 'lotus' lobed dish, Song-Jin Dynasty (960-1234); 20.4cm (8in) diam. Estimate £ 10,000 - 15,000 (€ 12,000 - 17,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The shallow bowl thinly potted with a hexalobed rim, the interior finely carved on the sides and across the well with exquisite curling lotus blossoms on winding foliate stems, all covered with a rich creamy glaze, fitted box. 

ProvenancePeel Park Museum, Salford (label).

NoteCompare with a mallow-petal plate with similarly carved floral design in the Palace Museum, Beijing, illustrated in The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum: Porcelain of the Song Dynasty (I), Hong Kong, 1996, p.92, no.73.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

A rare ding-type brown-glazed cupstand, Song Dynasty (960-1279)

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A rare ding-type brown-glazed cupstand, Song Dynasty (960-1279)

Lot 15. A rare ding-type brown-glazed cupstand, Song Dynasty (960-1279); 11.5cm (4 1/2in) diam. Estimate £ 20,000 - 30,000 (€ 23,000 - 35,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The thinly-potted cup with deep rounded sides resting on a thin shallow dish, and supported on a tall spreading foot, covered inside and out in a rich chocolate-brown glaze thinning on the underside and rim areas to dark-green and black, Japanese wood box

Provenance: Pa European private collection
Christie's New York, 18 March 2016, lot 1525.

NoteCupstands of this type with some variations appear to have been produced during the Song dynasty in various media, such as ceramic, lacquer and even silver. The present example appears to have been directly inspired by prototypes glazed in a rich caramel-brown glaze and fired at the Northern Ding kilns in Hebei Province during the Northern Song dynasty. See a similar Dingyao brown-glazed cupstand, Northern Song dynasty, illustrated by R.D.Mowry, Hare's Fur, Tortoiseshell, and Partridge Feathers. Chinese Brown- and Black-Glazed Ceramics, 400-1400, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1996, pp.103, no.12; another Dingyao example, Song dynasty, is illustrated by J.Ayers, Far Eastern Ceramics in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1980, pl.83. Finally, a Dingyao brown-glazed cupstand, Northern Song dynasty, displaying similar dark blue splashes as the present lot is illustrated by B.Gyllensvard, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Stockholm, 1964, p.134, no.420.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019 

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