Claude Monet (1840-1926), Le bassin aux nymphéas, detail, signed and dated 'Claude Monet 1919' (lower right), oil on canvas, 39 3/8 x 40 7/8 in. (99.6 x 103.7 cm.). Painted in 1919. Estimate $25,000,000 – $35,000,000. Photo Christie's Image Ltd 2016
NEW YORK, NY.- Christie’s Impressionist & Modern Art Evening Sale on May 12 will feature an exceptional selection of 52 works by the most revered artists of the early 20th century. Led by outstanding paintings by Monet, Picasso, and Modigliani, many of which have not been on the market for decades, the sale will feature several estates and private collections including The H.O. Havemeyer Collection, The Collection of Kenneth and Susan Kaiserman, The Ducommun Family Collection, and A Distinguished American Collection offering Frida Kahlo’s dream like love scene of Dos Desnudos en el bosque.
Brooke Lampley, Christie’s Head of Impressionist and Modern Art, New York, remarked: “This season we tailored our sale to meet current collector demand for iconic examples from the most celebrated artists of the period. The two Monets, Modigliani portrait, Picasso mousquetaire and Braque still life are all of unmatched quality and come with distinguished provenance. We are delighted to bring such an exciting and attractively estimated mix of works to the market, in many cases providing collectors with first-time opportunities to acquire rare, coveted works during Christie’s 20th Century Week.”
Le bassin aux nymphéas by Claude Monet (1840-1926) (estimate: $25,000,000-35,000,000) leads the sale and belongs to the artist’s most popular and arguably influential series, which lent inspriation to generations of subsequent artists in the twentieth century. This work is part of a sequence of 14 paintings that Monet most likely began in the spring or summer of 1918 and finished by late 1919, when he dated and sold the canvas to the Impressionist dealer Galerie Bernheim-Jeune in 1919. It was then bought by Henri Canonne, a Parisian pharmaceutical tycoon and major collector of Impressionism in 1928. Canonne owned more than forty paintings by Monet, including seventeen canvases from the Nymphéas series. The painting has been in the present collection for 20 years.
Lot 27C. Claude Monet (1840-1926), Le bassin aux nymphéas, signed and dated 'Claude Monet 1919' (lower right), oil on canvas, 39 3/8 x 40 7/8 in. (99.6 x 103.7 cm.). Painted in 1919. Estimate $25,000,000 – $35,000,000. Photo Christie's Image Ltd 2016
Provenance: Galerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie., Paris (acquired from the artist, November 1919).
Galerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie. and Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paris (acquired from the above, 1921).
Henri Canonne, Paris (acquired from the above, circa 1928).
Private collection, France (circa 1946).
Ross collection.
Galerie Beyeler, Basel.
Galerie Nichido, Tokyo (acquired from the above).
Acquired from the above by the present owner, March 1996.
Literature: Thiébaut-Sisson, "Une exposition Claude Monet" in Le Temps, 7 January 1928, p. 4.
A. Alexandre, La collection Canonne: Une histoire en action de l'Impressionnisme et de ses suites, Paris, 1930, pp. 47-48.
D. Rouart, J.-D. Rey, and R. Maillard, Monet Nymphéas ou les miroirs du temps, Paris, 1972, p. 174 (illustrated as part of a larger canvas).
R. Gordon and C.F. Stuckey, "Blossoms and Blunders: Monet and the State" in Art in America, 1979, p. 110.
D. Wildenstein, Claude Monet: Biographie et catalogue raisonné, Lausanne, 1985, vol. IV, p. 288, no. 1893b and p. 432, letter no. 300 (illustrated, p. 289; illustrated as part of a larger canvas, p. 288; dated 1917-1919).
D. Wildenstein, Monet: Catalogue raisonné, Cologne, 1996, vol. IV, p. 900, no. 1893/2 (illustrated, p. 899; illustrated as part of a larger canvas, p. 898).
J.-D. Rey and D. Rouart, Monet Water Lilies: The Complete Series, Paris, 2008, p. 140 (illustrated as part of a larger canvas).
Exhibited: Paris, Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Tableaux par Claude Monet, January 1928, no. 84.
Tokyo, National Museum of Western Art and Kyoto, National Museum of Modern Art, Monet, December 1982-January 1983, no. 61.
Morioka, Iwate Museum of Art; Sakura, Kawamura Memorial Museum of Art and Nagoya City Art Museum, Monet, Later Works, Homage to Katia Granoff, December 2001-June 2002.
Monet by his water-lily pond at Giverny. Photo: Roger-Viollet, Paris / Bridgeman Images.
Note: “I have painted these water lilies a great deal, modifying my viewpoint each time. The effect varies constantly, not only from one season to the next, but from one minute to the next, since the water-flowers themselves are far from being the whole scene; really, they are just the accompaniment. The essence of the motif is the mirror of water, whose appearance alters at every moment, thanks to the patches of sky that are reflected in it, and give it its light and movement. So many factors, undetectable to the uninitiated eye, transform the coloring and distort the planes of water” (quoted in P. Tucker, Monet in the Twentieth Century, exh. cat., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1998, p. 11).
So Monet told the journalist François Thiébault-Sisson near the end of his life, more than two decades after the water garden at Giverny had become almost the exclusive subject of his art. Over the course of this great valedictory period, Monet created some two hundred paintings of his lily pond, an extraordinary outpouring of creativity that stands as the culminating achievement of his long and visionary career. While these now-iconic canvases affirmed Monet’s long-held belief in the primacy of vision and experience, they did so in a pictorial language that was utterly novel and transformative even by the standards of the new century. Monet was France’s most acclaimed living artist by this time, venerated as a founding father of the modern movement; the Nymphéas re-established his place at the very forefront of the avant-garde, demonstrating that his art had not lost its vital, revolutionary character.
Monet probably began the present Bassin aux nymphéas in mid-1918, when after nearly four years of fighting the outcome of the First World War still hung precariously in the balance; he completed and signed it the next year, after the Allies had achieved victory. Reveling in freedom and experimentation, in nuanced color harmonies and expressive brushwork, in the shifting and incalculable world of nature, the painting seems to eschew the “call to order” that gripped the avant-garde during and after the war. Yet Monet saw his Nymphéas, with their compelling mixture of poetry and urgency, as deeply interwoven with the collective efforts of the nation. “I am on the verge of finishing two decorative panels that I want to sign on the day of the Victory and I am going to ask you to offer them to the State,” he wrote to Prime Minister Clémenceau in November 1918. “It’s not much, but it is the only way I have of taking part in the victory” (quoted in ibid., p. 77).
Claude Monet, Nymphéas, 1914-1917. Portland Art Museum, Oregon.
“Elusive and mysterious, though fully measurable and humane, these paintings assert that Monet’s physical remove to Giverny did not mean a relaxation of his intellectual and aesthetic powers,” Paul Tucker has explained. “On the contrary, the time he spent observing his flowers, trees, and pond engendered a profound refocusing of those strengths, largely in response to the pressures of the very contemporaneity he appeared to have abandoned. For while they may seem to be about nothing other than the beauty he found in his own backyard, these pictures were actually created in the midst of conflict and turmoil–the death of family members, his own threatened blindness, the perceived erosion of aesthetic principles in French art, the abandonment of nature, and worst of all perhaps, the horrors of the First World War. They encapsulate an entire era as seen and felt by an individual who by 1900 had become one of the world’s most celebrated painters” (ibid., p. 14).
The story of Monet’s water garden–now the stuff of modern-art legend–begins in 1883, when the artist and his family settled at Giverny, a tiny rural hamlet some forty miles northwest of Paris at the confluence of the Seine and the Epte. Monet found a large house to rent there on two acres of land; when the property came up for sale in 1890, he hastened to buy it at the asking price, “certain of never finding a better situation or more beautiful countryside,” as he wrote to Durand-Ruel (quoted in P. Tucker, Monet: Life and Art, New Haven, 1995, p. 175).
A passionate gardener all his life, Monet’s first priority upon purchasing the estate was to replace the vegetable plots in front of the house with flower beds. Three years later, he acquired an adjacent piece of land beside the river Ru and applied to the local government for permission “to install a prise d’eau to provide enough water to refresh the pond that I am going to dig for the purpose of cultivating aquatic plants” (quoted in ibid., p. 176). By autumn, he had converted nearly a thousand square meters into a lily pond, ringed by an artful arrangement of flowers, bushes, and trees.
Claude Monet, Nymphéas, 1914-1917. National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo.
Although Monet created the pond in part to fulfill his passion for gardening, he also intended it as a source of artistic inspiration. In his petition to the Department Prefect, Monet specified that the water garden would serve “for the pleasure of the eyes and also for the purpose of having subjects to paint” (quoted in Claude Monet: Late Work, exh. cat., Gagosian Gallery, New York, 2010, p. 23). And this it did, ultimately surpassing the more conventional flower garden in Monet’s hierarchy of subjects. “That Monet would have preferred the water garden over the flower garden is understandable,” Tucker has written. “It offered him the ultimate in variety: an infinite array of color; constantly changing reflections; continual tensions between surface and depth, near and far, stability and the unknown, with everything bathed in an endlessly shifting but ever-present light” (op. cit., 1998, p. 41).
Monet did not begin work on his water-lily series immediately, however. “It took me some time to understand my water lilies,” he recalled. “A landscape takes more than a day to get under your skin. And then all at once, I had the revelation–how wonderful my pond was–and reached for my palette. I’ve hardly had any other subject since that moment” (quoted in Claude Monet, exh. cat., Osterreichische Galerie, Vienna, 1996, p. 146).
This revelation occurred in 1904, following the enormously successful exhibition of Monet’s paintings from London and a campaign of renovations to the lily pond. Over the next five years, he worked with almost unbroken intensity, producing more than sixty paintings of the plane of the water, which together comprise a dazzling and radically destabilized vision of shifting surfaces and disintegrating forms. When these canvases were exhibited at Durand-Ruel in May 1909, they met with unprecedented acclaim. Critics marveled at how novel and nearly abstract the pictures appeared, even by comparison with Picasso and Braque’s latest Cubist experiments. “His vision increasingly is simplifying itself, limiting itself to the minimum of tangible realities in order to amplify, to magnify the impression of the imponderable,” Jean Morgan wrote in the periodical Le Gaulois (quoted in op. cit., 2010, p. 29).
Claude Monet, Le bassin aux nymphéas, 1918-1919. Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes.
Monet could not have hoped for a better response. Yet following the close of the exhibition, there followed nearly five years in which the artist–exhausted from the intense work leading up to the show, and then suffering from a sequence of personal tragedies–barely picked up his brushes. It was not until the spring of 1914 that he returned to his beloved water garden in earnest. “I have thrown myself back into work,” he wrote to Durand-Ruel in June, “and when I do that, I do it seriously, so much so that I am getting up at four a.m. and am grinding away all day long” (quoted in op. cit., 1995, p. 204).
When he began work anew, a very specific goal fired his prodigious creativity. Seventeen years earlier, in 1897, he had described to the journalist Maurice Guillemot his vision of an enclosed space lined with mural-sized paintings of the lily pond that would transport the viewer into realms of aesthetic reverie. Now, at long last, he set out to make this encompassing ensemble–the Grandes décorations–a reality.
Between 1914 and 1917, Monet completed a series of some sixty Nymphéas, in which he tested out pictorial ideas and visual effects for his decorative program on a scale that he had never before attempted. During the summer of 1915, he began construction on a huge studio to house the project; he occupied the building in late October and began work on the murals themselves at that time. By November 1917, he considered the panels sufficiently advanced that he permitted Durand-Ruel to photograph them in progress at Giverny. Thiébault-Sisson was justifiably impressed when he saw the paintings at an even more advanced stage in February 1918, and so were the Bernheim-Jeune brothers, who visited Giverny in March.
Claude Monet, Le bassin aux nymphéas, 1918-1919. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
The present Bassin aux nymphéas enters the story at this important juncture. On 30 April 1918–“prompted by conversations with his visitors,” Tucker has suggested, “by the result of strides he had made on his project”–Monet ordered a large quantity of pre-stretched canvases measuring 1 meter high by 2 meters wide (op. cit., 1998, p. 74). As soon as they were delivered, he set up his easel at the pond’s edge and began work on a new and compositionally unified group of Nymphéas, with lily pads clustered towards the lateral edges of the canvas and a stream of sunlight in the center. He would eventually complete fourteen paintings in this format, plus an additional five on a slightly different scale (1.3 x 2 meters; the full group is Wildenstein, nos. 1883-1901). At some point before 1944, one of the canvases was divided down the middle to create two separate paintings, each one meter square; the right-hand composition is the present Bassin aux nymphéas, and the left-hand pendant is housed today in the Tel Aviv Museum.
In comparison with the emphatically elongated canvases from this suite, the present painting is much more classically balanced in composition, harking back to the authoritative Nymphéas of the Durand-Ruel show. The lilies are grouped in three large clusters, one near the bottom, one near the top, and one almost centered on the square canvas. Conventional spatial recession, indicated by the diminishing scale of the floating blossoms and lily pads, is played against the flat surface of the picture, which Monet has emphasized through vigorous, textural brushwork. The horizontal islands of lilies, seen directly, contrast with the vertical reflections of foliage, seen as if in a mirror; the entangled vegetation has an undulating, striated quality, and its deep green tones, mysterious and impenetrable, form a striking backdrop for the lighter hues of the lily pads on the water’s surface. The blossoms themselves are rendered with the most impasto to give them a sculptural presence, affirming their position on the top of the pond.
Sunlight now enters the canvas at the bottom left corner of the canvas, creating a dynamic wedge of reflected blue sky that energizes the relatively stable composition. Monet had explored the effects of stream of light in a group of canvases from 1907, among the most daring and dramatic of the Nymphéas that he showed at Durand-Ruel (Wildenstein nos. 1703-1716); here, the looser, more instinctive handling only heightens this effect. “In contrast to the earlier 1907 pictures, the newer canvases have a physical and emotional expansiveness that allow them to breathe in a bolder, fuller fashion,” Tucker has written, “even though each of them depicts a greater number of plants and has a more heavily worked surface” (ibid., p. 74).
Claude Monet, Nymphéas, 1907. Museum of Fine Arts, Houston.
Monet was exceptionally pleased with this new suite of paintings. Unlike the Nymphéas from 1914-1917, which he evidently considered as a private exploratory enterprise and neither exhibited nor sold, he conceived of the canvases that he began in 1918 as independent, finished works. In November 1919, he signed and dated four of them–including the present example, in its original format–and released them to Bernheim-Jeune; it was the first time that he had parted with a sizable number of recent works since 1912, when he sold his Venetian views to the same dealer. In 1922, he donated another painting from the sequence to the Société des Amis du Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes. “It is possible that Monet saw the finished canvases as forerunners in the public domain of the late Water Lily Grandes Décorations,” Tucker has proposed (ibid., p. 218).
The artist’s strong feelings about these paintings may also reflect the decisive historical moment at which he created them. In the first months of 1918, shortly before Monet inaugurated the series, the Germans had mounted their most intense and frightening offensive against France. They broke through British defenses in the Somme valley in March and pressed on to capture Amiens, only 37 kilometers from Giverny. The lily blossoms in the present painting are fully open, suggesting that Monet started the canvas in summer, by which time the Germans appeared to have assumed complete control of the war. “I do not have long to live, and I must dedicate all my time to painting,” Monet wrote to Georges Bernheim-Jeune at that time. “I do not want to believe that I would ever be obliged to leave Giverny; I would rather die here in the middle of what I have done” (quoted in op. cit., 1995, p. 212).
In the fall of 1918, however, the tide of the war suddenly changed. The Allies mounted a counter-offensive in September, and by early November the Germans had been pushed out of France and forced to the peace table. Monet was immensely relieved, and terribly proud as well of what France had endured and accomplished. In a moving patriotic gesture, he wrote to Clemenceau, as cited above, and offered two “panneaux décoratifs” to the State. He very likely intended one or both of these to be from the Bassin aux nymphéas sequence, which was his primary focus of attention at the time, along with a group of weeping willows. Clemenceau and Gustave Geffroy convinced Monet to expand his offer, however, and the entire cycle of Grandes décorations was soon officially earmarked for the State.
Claude Monet, Nymphéas, 1906. The Art Institute of Chicago.
Monet completed the twenty-two mural-sized canvases, totaling more than ninety meters in length, just months before his death in December 1926. In May 1927, the Musée de l’Orangerie, newly remodeled to house this extraordinary bequest, opened to great fanfare. The present Bassin aux nymphéas belonged jointly to Bernheim-Jeune and Durand-Ruel at this time; the very next year, in 1928, it entered the collection of Henri Canonne, a Parisian pharmaceutical tycoon who acquired a total of seventeen Nymphéas over the course of the 1920s–a veritable Grandes décorations of his own.
This exquisite painting remained in Canonne’s collection until the mid-1940s, by which time Monet’s late Nymphéashad come to be revered as authoritative and visionary among the young American avant-garde. “In the past decade,” the critic Thomas Hess wrote in 1956, “paintings by such artists as Pollock, Rothko, Still, Reinhardt, and Tobey have made us see in Monet’s huge late pictures a purity of image and concept of pictorial space that we now can recognize as greatly daring poetry” (quoted in ibid., pp. 100-101).
Monet in his studio at Giverny, circa 1920. Photo: Henri Manuel / Roger-Viollet, Paris / Bridgeman Images.
Monet’s Au Petit-Gennevilliers (estimate: $12,000,000-18,000,000), belongs to another celebrated series from Monet’s early career, when he painted various scenes of Argenteuil in 1874. The site itself is widely linked with the birth of Impressionist painting and provided endless inspiration for Monet and the other impressionists at that time. This painting will be on the market for the first time since 1899. It was purchased by the famed American collector Henry Osborne Havemeyer in 1901 and has remained in the family ever since.
Lot 16C. Claude Monet (1840-1926), Au Petit-Gennevilliers, signed ‘Claude Monet’ (lower right). Oil on canvas, 21 ½ x 28 ⅞ in. (54.6 x 73.3 cm.). Painted in 1874. Estimate: $12,000,000-18,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Victor Chocquet, Paris.
Marie Chocquet, Paris (by descent from the above); Estate sale, Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 1-4 July 1899, lot 77.
Dumas d’Hauterive, France (acquired at the above sale).
Lorenzo Crist Delmonico, New York (until 1901).
Boussod, Valadon et Cie., Paris (acquired from the above, 3 April 1901).
Henry Osborne Havemeyer, New York (acquired from the above, 19 April 1901).
Louisine Waldron Elder Havemeyer, New York (by descent from the above, 1907).
Adaline Havemeyer Frelinghuysen, Morristown, New Jersey (by descent from the above, 1929).
By descent from the above to the present owner.
The Havemeyer house at Fifth Avenue and 66th Street, circa 1901.
THE H.O. HAVEMEYER COLLECTION
From its creation in 1874, Au Petit-Gennevilliers has assumed a place not only within Claude Monet’s exceptionaloeuvre, but also in association with two of the most storied names in American connoisseurship and public service. A magnificent inheritance from the collecting legacy of Henry Osborne Havemeyer and his wife, Louisine Waldron Elder Havemeyer, the canvas is similarly connected with New Jersey’s illustrious Frelinghuysen family. Au Petit-Gennevilliersreflects the heart and hand of one of art history’s greatest masters, and a tradition of cultural and civic patronage that continues to this day.
THE GIFT OF ART
In the annals of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century American industry, the Havemeyers sit alongside the Morgans, Carnegies, Astors, Rockefellers, and Vanderbilts in achievement and renown. Even today, these same families are recognized as some of the United States’ earliest and most prolific cultural benefactors. In the case of H.O. Havemeyer and his wife, Louisine, it was a passion for fine art—one that encompassed leading figures of the art historical canon—that forever changed the country’s philanthropic and artistic landscape.
A third-generation sugar refiner and businessman, H.O. Havemeyer expanded his family’s American Sugar Refining Company into one of the nineteenth century’s largest and most prosperous industrial operations. From testing sugar on the docks at the age of fifteen, Havemeyer rose to become president of the firm and founder of what was known as the Sugar Trust. The collector’s tremendous success, a colorful and oftentimes turbulent tale within a nation’s wider growth, provided the foundation for one of the finest assemblages of art in the history of collecting.
Havemeyer first saw the possibilities in art at the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia, where he acquired several works of ivory, armor, and Asian art. Yet it was through his wife, the fiercely intelligent and independent Louisine Havemeyer, that he fully embraced a decades-long journey in collecting. Mrs. Havemeyer, for her part, was enthralled by the dynamic art and architecture of contemporary France, instilled during her time at boarding school in Paris. “The people love art,” she said of the French, “the people know art, the people buy art, the people live with their art.” When a fellow student introduced her to Mary Cassatt—an artist just ten years older than Louisine Havemeyer—a lifelong friendship was born. Cassatt would go on to produce several works depicting Mrs. Havemeyer and her children, and advised the collectors in some of their most important commissions and acquisitions.
Married in 1883, H.O. and Louisine Havemeyer were fervent, groundbreaking collectors. Assembled with careful scholarship and discernment, the Havemeyer Collection included not only superb nineteenth-century French painting, sculpture, and works on paper, but also Old Master pictures, decorative art, Asian art, and antiquities. It was, in the words of collector Albert C. Barnes, “the best and wisest collection in America.” The couple’s affinity for Impressionism proved to be especially prescient, and they were encouraged by Cassatt to consider work by artists such as Degas and Monet—two figures in which the Havemeyers’ collection was particularly strong. At their stately residences in Greenwich, Connecticut, and at 1 East 66th Street—both designed by Samuel Colman and Louis Comfort Tiffany—the Havemeyers’ zeal for fine art was fully evident. In rooms both grand and intimate, masterpieces by artists such as Corot, Courbet, Cézanne, and Manet hung alongside pictures by Rembrandt and El Greco, elegant examples of Islamic pottery, and resplendent Tiffany glass.
When H.O. Havemeyer died in 1907, Louisine Havemeyer devoted her boundless energies to the promotion of women’s rights. The collector provided significant financial backing and leadership to the efforts of suffragette Alice Paul, and even organized exhibitions of her collection to raise funds for the movement. At the time of her death in 1929, Mrs. Havemeyer bequeathed some 142 important works to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in honor of her husband, joining gifts that had already been made during the couple’s lifetime. “One of the most magnificent gifts of works of art ever made to a museum,” it was reflective of the abundant generosity of spirit that had always informed H.O. and Louisine Havemeyer’s commitment to the public sphere. For the Met, the bequest was truly transformative, raising the institution to unparalleled international prominence. The couple’s three children soon donated over 300 additional inherited works to the museum, with other pieces gifted in the ensuing decades.
Installation view, The H. O. Havemeyer Collection, The Metropolitian Museum of Art, 1930.
Literature: “Vente Chocquet” in New York Herald: Édition de Paris, 29 June 1899.
W. Dewhurst, Impressionist Painting: Its Genesis and Development, London, 1904, p. III (titled La seine à Argenteuil).
T. Duret, Histoire des peintres impressionnistes, Paris, 1906, p. 79 (illustrated).
G. Geffroy, Claude Monet: Sa vie, son temps, son oeuvre, Paris, 1922, p. 219 (titled Argenteuil).
H.O. Havemeyer Collection: Catalogue of Paintings, Prints, Sculpture and Objects of Art, Portland, 1931, p. 411 (titledLandscape–Argenteuil and dated 1873).
M. Rostand, Quelques amateurs de l’époque impressionniste, Paris, 1955, p. 154.
D. Wildenstein, Claude Monet: Biographie at catalogue raisonné, Geneva, 1974, vol. I, p. 258, no. 337 (illustrated).
D. Wildenstein, Claude Monet: Catalogue raisonné, Cologne, 1996, vol. II, p. 140, no. 337 (illustrated).
P.H. Tucker, The Impressionists at Argenteuil, exh. cat., National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 2000, p. 32, fig. 25 (illustrated; titled Boats Along the Banks of the Seine at Petit Gennevilliers).
A. Distel, "Inventar des Hauses von Victor Choquet an der Rue Monsigny 7, Paris" in Victor Choquet: Freund und Sammler der Impressionisten, Renoir, Cezanne, Monet, Manet, 2015, p. 199, fig. 84 (illustrated).
Exhibited: Palm Beach, The Society of the Four Arts, Claude Monet, January-February 1958, no. 10 (dated 1873 and titled The Barges at Argenteuil).
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Splendid Legacy: The Havemeyer Collection, March-June 1993, p. 363, no. 396 (illustrated, p. 362).
Washington, D.C., The Phillips Collection, Impressionists on the Seine: A Celebration of Renoir's "Luncheon of the Boating Party," September 1996-February 1997, p. 256, no. 24 (illustrated in color).
The promenade at Petit-Gennevilliers, looking upstream, late nineteenth century.
Note: Monet painted this exquisitely lyrical and radiant scene of the Seine at Argenteuil–a place that has come to be virtually synonymous with the origins of Impressionism–during the summer of 1874, just weeks after the epoch-making First Impressionist Exhibition. Since moving to Argenteuil in December 1871, after the Franco-Prussian War, Monet had been consolidating the revolutionary formal vocabulary of this new modern movement, as well as actively militating for an independent alternative to the Salon. Now, both efforts bore fruit. From April to May 1874, in the former studios of the photographer Nadar in Paris, Monet exhibited a selection of new work alongside that of ten like-minded colleagues–the first time that artists had banded together to show their art publicly without the sanction of the state or the judgment of a jury. History had been made, and the show became the touchstone for all such future modernist efforts.
Public response to this novel venture, though, was decidedly mixed. Some critics had no doubt that the participants were creating the most avant-garde and important work of any artists in France. “The means by which they seek their impressions will infinitely serve contemporary art,” Armand Silvestre declared in L’Opinion Nationale. An equally vocal cohort, however, took great affront at these young painters’ subversion of long-standing Salon norms. Instead of scenes of timeless grandeur, they reveled in the depiction of contemporary life and leisure; eschewing traditional modeling and laborious finish, they exhibited paintings with all the vigor and brio of sketches. “What do we see in the work of these men?” Etienne Carjat asked in Le Patriote Français. “Nothing but a defiance, almost an insult to the taste and intelligence of the public” (quoted in The New Painting: Impressionism 1874-1886, exh. cat., Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, 1986, pp. 108-109).
Claude Monet, Barques au repos, au Petit-Gennevilliers, 1874. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco.
After the exhibition closed, Monet returned to Argenteuil even more strongly committed to the New Painting. During the ensuing summer, he painted more pictures than he had ever completed in a similar amount of time–nearly forty vibrant and light-filled scenes, including the present Au Petit-Gennevilliers. Testament to its great beauty and sensitivity, this canvas has belonged for almost its whole history to two of the most important collecting families in the entire chronicle of Impressionism. Its first owner was Victor Chocquet, a Parisian customs official who made a name for himself as an energetic champion of the Impressionists at a time when most still derided their art. In 1901, the painting entered the now-legendary collection of Louisine and Henry Havemeyer, arguably the most discerning connoisseurs of Impressionism in America at the turn of the century; it has belonged to the Havemeyers’ descendants ever since.
When Monet moved to Argenteuil, it was a lively suburb of some eight thousand inhabitants, located on the right bank of the Seine just eleven kilometers west of the capital. Parisians knew it as an agréable petite ville, all the more convenient because it was only fifteen minutes by rail from the Gare Saint-Lazare, and trains ran every half-hour. The town had some factories, and several smokestacks punctuated the skyline among the stretches of tall trees that lined the Seine. Two bridges, one for coach and pedestrian traffic and the other for the train line, connected Argenteuil to Petit Gennevilliers on the opposite bank. Visitors, however, could easily disregard these encroachments of the industrial age and focus instead on the picturesque aspects of the town. As a result, Argenteuil beckoned as a congenial destination for middle-class Parisians who wanted to escape the noise and grime of the city for fresh-air holidays and Sunday outings.
Edouard Manet, Monet peignant dans son atelier, 1874. Neue Pinakothek, Munich.
The town was especially popular among leisure-seekers devoted to the newly fashionable sport of boating, since the Seine is deeper and broader here than anywhere else near Paris. From the mid-century onward, town leaders encouraged the development of Argenteuil as a sailing hub, permitting the establishment of mooring areas and boathouses along the banks and promoting the near-perfect conditions of the river among sports enthusiasts. Their efforts paid off, and by the later 1850s the most stylish yacht club in Paris had its headquarters there. The sight of sailboats and larger vessels flying before the wind in regattas and other fêtes nautiques attracted numerous spectators, and in 1867 the town was even chosen as the site for the sailing competition during the Exposition Universelle. By the time Monet arrived, Argenteuil had become a postcard town for suburban leisure.
Although Monet explored a wide range of motifs during his years at Argenteuil, it was the river that provided him with the greatest wealth of pictorial enticements. Between 1872 and 1875, he created more than fifty paintings of this stretch of the Seine, focusing principally on three motifs: the boat rental area immediately downstream from the highway bridge, as in the present scene; the wide basin of the river, with its sandy promenades; and the Petit Bras, a diversion of the Seine by the Île Marante where larger boats sometimes moored. Although they range in mood from reflective to high-spirited, these views all offered Monet the opportunity to paint essentially the same subject: a well-ordered, modern suburb where man and nature met in agreeable harmonies. “Evocative and inviting, this is the suburban paradise that was sought after in the 1850s and 1860s but made all the more precious and desired after the disasters of 1870-1871,” Paul Tucker has written, “its calm the restorative balm for the nation as a whole” (Claude Monet: Life and Art, New York, 1995, p. 61).
Claude Monet, Le pont routier, Argenteuil, 1874. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
To paint the present scene, Monet worked from a boat that he had outfitted as a floating studio, anchoring it near the Petit-Gennevilliers bank looking downstream–exactly as Manet showed in a remarkable 1874 painting of his friend at work. Pleasure craft skim across the water or bob at anchor; broken reflections dance on the surface of the river, and cirrus clouds scud across the high summer sky. On the left are a cluster of three orange-roofed houses and a distinctive tall tree that re-appear in several of Monet’s other views of the Petit Gennevilliers bank, seen each time from a slightly different angle. Immediately behind Monet from this vantage point, here out of sight, would have been the boat-hire shed with its series of docks and just beyond that the highway bridge. All that is visible of the Argenteuil bank are two factory chimneys in the distance at the far right, the absence of smoke suggesting that the scene was painted on a Sunday.
Paintings like this one appear so soothing–and have become so iconic–that it can be hard to appreciate how radical Monet’s approach to form was in his day. In Au Petit-Gennevilliers, he has replaced the dark, saturated hues of Corot, Courbet, and the Barbizon school with a heightened palette of blue, green, ochre, and most notably, copious white, which brilliantly conveys the sensation of the open air. The paint is applied in a vibrating tissue of broken brushstrokes–small horizontal dashes for the surface of the water, lively comma-shaped marks for the trees and sky–that evoke the gentle rustling of the breeze and the flickering play of sunlight over the scene. This transparent brushwork, a revolutionary departure from Salon norms, also explicitly inscribes the presence of the artist, bearing witness to a central tenet of Impressionism as well as one of its most persuasive myths: the plein-air master before nature, rapidly transcribing his immediate sensations.
Claude Monet, Les bateaux rouges, Argenteuil, 1875. Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Cambridge.
The meticulously crafted composition, however, reveals the care and planning that went into this apparently spontaneous scene. All the pieces of the picture fit together like the interlocking parts of an ideally constructed world. The planes of water and sky are near mirror-images, with the horizon line set just below the midpoint of the canvas. The riverbank forms a triangular wedge of contrasting color that leads the eye into the scene; the dark hull of a boat emphasizes the point where this shape joins the horizon, very slightly right of center. The jostling verticals of the masts and sails punctuate the canvas from left to right, forming a planar counterpoint to the receding orthogonal of the bank, with its houses and trees of diminishing scale. “Despite the impression of a captured moment, the painting is an artful construct,” Tucker has written about a related scene. “Each element...is painstakingly arranged and scrupulously rendered, underscoring Monet’s powers as an artist and the humanly imposed rationale of the place” (The Impressionists at Argenteuil, exh. cat., National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 2000, p. 68).
Victor Chocquet, the first owner of Au Petit-Gennevilliers, discovered Impressionism in 1875, just a year after Monet painted this seductive and harmonious canvas. Chocquet had previously collected Delacroix but rapidly switched his allegiance to the Impressionists, becoming one of their most consistent early buyers. “He was something to see, standing up to hostile crowds at the exhibition during the first years of Impressionism,” the critic Georges Rivière recalled, “leading a reluctant connoisseur up to canvases by Renoir, Monet, or Cézanne, doing his utmost to make the man share his admiration for these reviled artists” (quoted in A. Distel, Impressionism: The First Collectors, New York, 1990, p. 137). The appreciation, it seems, was mutual; Monet described Chocquet as the only person he had ever met “who truly loved painting with a passion” (quoted in J. Rewald, The Paintings of Paul Cézanne, New York, 1996, p. 194).
Claude Monet, Le pont d’Argenteuil, 1874. Neue Pinakothek, Munich.
Chocquet probably acquired the present painting soon after its creation, and he retained it until his death in 1891. When his widow passed away eight years later, the canvas appeared in a sale of his collection at Galerie Georges Petit, which generated enormous excitement. Distinguished collectors and dealers thronged the sale room, and spirited bidding spurred record prices. “We now see those one-time despised and belittled Impressionist pictures realizing at public auction the price of a respectable lawyer’s yearly labor, the pay of a general, the equivalent of broad acres of hill and vale,” the English Impressionist painter Wynford Dewhurst reported. “Finally, Monet, and with him the survivors of that small and gifted band of Impressionists, have lived to see the reversal of a hostile, because ignorant, public judgment; and are able to enjoy to the full the immense satisfaction of principles fought for and successfully vindicated” (“Claude Monet, Impressionist,” Pall Mall Magazine, June 1900, pp. 223-224).
Their collection would eventually include thirty paintings by Monet, many of them acquired on annual picture-buying expeditions with Cassatt in Paris. “Louie wants me to keep a look out for fine Monets,” Cassatt wrote to Mr. Havemeyer at the start of the century. “I have just heard of someone who has several good early pictures” (quoted in F. Weitzenhoffer, The Havemeyers: Impressionism Comes to America, New York, 1986, p. 143). The present canvas had sold at the Chocquet auction to one Monsieur d’Hauterive for 11,500 francs, a stunning sum; by April 1901, however, it was with Boussod et Valadon, where the Havemeyers recognized its exceptional quality and added it to their collection. When Louisine Havemeyer died in 1929, she generously bequeathed a substantial part of the collection to the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Au Petit Gennevilliers passed instead to her daughter Adaline Havemeyer Frelinghuysen and then to two generations of the latter’s heirs, remaining part of the legacy of this storied family all the way to the present day.
Also featured is Amedeo Modigliani’s (1884-1920) Jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) (estimate: $12,000,000-18,000,000) painted in 1916. This portrait is a quintessentially modern painting of the female figure painted in Modigliani’s signature style- with a patrician long neck and oval face, large eyes and small, red lips. Here he adds the uncoventional, and alluring adornment of a rose in the subject’s décolletage, further heightening her seductive allure. It is the finest of a series of three paintings from 1916 recorded by Ambrogio Ceroni that takes a dark haired and brown-eyed young woman as its subject. It has been suggested that the model is the artist’s older sister Margherita.
Lot 7C. Amedeo Modigliani (1884-1920), Jeune femme à la rose (Margherita), signed 'modigliani' (upper right), oil on canvas, 25 5/8 x 18 1/8 in. (64.9 x 46.1 cm.). Painted in 1916. Estimate: $12,000,000-18,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Anon. sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, 20 October 1926, lot 44.
Galerie Jeanne Bucher, Paris.
Private collection, Europe (acquired circa 1927).
Private collection (by descent from the above); sale, Sotheby's, London, 22 June 1993, lot 47.
Acquavella Galleries, Inc., New York (acquired at the above sale).
Anon. sale, Sotheby's, New York, 10 May 2000, lot 34.
Galerie Nichido, Tokyo.
Acquired from the above by the present owner, February 2001.
Literature: A. Pfannstiel, L’Art et la vie: Modigliani, Paris, 1929, p. 37 (titled La jeune fille à la rose).
A. Pfannstiel, Modigliani et son oeuvre: Étude critique et catalogue raisonné, Paris, 1956, p. 126, no. 224 (titled La jeune fille à la rose).
A. Ceroni, Amedeo Modigliani: Dessins et sculptures avec suite du catalogue illustré des peintures, Milan, 1965, p. 43, no. 177 (illustrated).
A. Ceroni and L. Piccioni, intro., I dipinti di Modigliani, Milan, 1970, p. 94, no. 128 (illustrated).
J. Lanthemann, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Barcelona, 1970, p. 118, no. 159 (illustrated, p. 202).
A. Ceroni and F. Cachin, intro., Tout l'oeuvre peint de Modigliani, Paris, 1972, p. 94, no. 128 (illustrated).
C. Parisot, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Peintures, dessins, aquarelles, Livorno, 1991, vol. II, p. 296, no. 21/1916 (illustrated, p. 121).
O. Patani, Amedeo Modigliani: Catalogo generale, Dipinti, Milan, 1991, p. 145, no. 131 (illustrated).
C. Parisot, Modigliani: Catalogue raisonné, Florence, 2012, vol. V, no. 21/1916 (illustrated).
Exhibited: Paris, Galerie Charpentier, Cent tableaux de Modigliani, 1958, no. 46 (dated 1917).
Rome, Galleria Nazionale d'Arte Moderna, Modigliani, January-February 1959, no. 20.
Tokyo, Seibu Department Store; Kyoto, National Museum of Modern Art and Fukuota, Cultural Centre, Masterpiece of Modigliani, May-September 1968, no. 40.
Modigliani sitting in his studio at Bateau-Lavoir, Montparnasse, 1915-1916. Photo: Paul Guillaume.
Note: Throughout his short life, Amedeo Modigliani had an insatiable desire to depict the human form. Nowhere is this deep and enduring fascination more evident than in the profusion of portraiture that constitutes his oeuvre. Fusing elements of tradition with modernism, with his portraits, which most frequently depict a single, frontally posed figure, Modigliani forged a style that was completely his own, capturing the idiosyncratic physiognomic features of his sitters while rendering them in his own highly distinctive artistic vocabulary.
La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) exemplifies this novel and unique form of portraiture. Painted in 1916, this work dates from a pivotal and highly productive moment in the artist’s career, which saw his mature figurative style–characterised by sinuous lines and stylised, elongated forms–truly emerge and his portraits from this year are some of the most perceptively characterised and formally compelling of his entire career. Against a dark, richly impastoed background, the figure of a young girl emerges, her head tilted slightly as she gazes out of the painting, her flushed cheeks illuminated by dazzling pink strokes of colour. Although her facial features are stylised, her large, heavily lashed, almond-shaped eyes have a striking intensity, dominating her oval face and creating an enigmatic expression. At once highly individualised yet conforming completely to Modigliani’s quintessential female "type"–the long neck and oval face, large eyes and small, pursed lips–this painting epitomises the artist’s extraordinary ability to balance the generic with the unique, the abstract with the naturalistic, and capture the very essence of the figure seated in front of him, or as the poet and friend of the artist, Max Jacob described, "the splendour of the soul" (M. Jacob quoted in ibid., 1967, p. 298).
Amedeo Modigliani, Marguerite, 1916.
La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) is the finest of a series of three paintings from 1916 recorded by Ambrogio Ceroni that takes this beautiful dark haired and brown-eyed young woman as its subject (Ceroni, nos. 128-130). This sitter is identified in one of the paintings, titled Marguerite assise (Margherita), as Margherita–her Italian name emblazoned at the top right of the portrait. While the other two paintings of this series–Marguerite assise (Margherita) and Marguerite assise–depict this young woman clothed in a white apron and seated on a chair in an indescript interior, La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) presents a more striking and intense frontal portrayal of this sitter in which all narrative attributes are eschewed save for the small floral corsage that embellishes her black dress. One of these paintings was exhibited in the now notorious one-man exhibition of Modigliani’s work that was held at Berthe Weill’s gallery in Paris in 1917, listed in the catalogue simply as Marghareta.
It has been suggested that the model for these three works is Modigliani’s older sister who was called Margherita. However, if this is the case, Modigliani would probably have painted her from memory, as he made the last recorded trip to his native Italy in either 1912 or 1913. By many accounts a temperamental and argumentative woman, Margherita never married and, after the tragic death of Modigliani and his wife, Jeanne Hébuterne, she became the adopted mother of their daughter, also named Jeanne. Modigliani it seems did not have a particularly amicable relationship with his sister making it unlikely that he painted her, in Jeanne’s own words: “Margherita Modigliani admitted to me that there had been very little sympathy between her and her brother and that Amedeo had steadily refused to discuss painting with her” (Modigliani: Man and Myth, trans. E.R. Clifford, London, 2012, pp. 30-31). Throughout his career, Modigliani painted a host of different women, from the wives of his friends and dealers to his lovers, as well as anonymous young, working-class women whom he met on the streets of Montparnasse. Unable to afford professional models, these women frequently served as the subjects for Modigliani’s portraits, and it seems more likely that the sitter in the present work is one such woman. With her dark hair and dark features, the subject of La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) conforms to a Mediterranean “type” that Modigliani often painted; women who were, like the artist himself, most likely Italian and or Jewish migrants in Paris.
Amedeo Modigliani, La servante, 1916.
For Modigliani, the presence of the model was essential to his working process. “To do any work,” he explained to the artist, Léopold Survage, “I must have a living person, I must be able to see him opposite me” (Modigliani quoted inModigliani and his Models, exh. cat., Royal Academy, London, 2006, p. 38). He intensely scrutinised his sitters’ physiognomy, taking the physical features and expressions of a person as the impetus for his painting, before transposing their likeness in accordance with his own, personal conception of the female form. Emile Schaub-Koch who knew Modigliani and watched him working, described his methods, which Pierre Sichel has detailed:
“When [Modigliani] found himself in front of someone he was going to paint, he concentrated on the expression of the feelings he saw in his sitter’s face, not on the features themselves. It was part of the process of creation. Then Modi began painting, paying no attention to his model, preoccupied with conveying through his drawing the essence of what he had discovered. This approach produced an unexpected result that not only had nothing to do with the subject but was also disconcerting. Through a series of recalls, retouches, and improvements through successive comparisons between the model and his first rough sketch, Modi always succeeded in capturing something powerful and moving in his subject. He caught a manner or resemblance that was the subject” (Sichel, op cit., p. 323).
Amedeo Modigliani, Jeune femme assise (Marguerite), 1916.
1916–the year that La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) was painted–was in the words of Modigliani’s daughter, Jeanne, “a fortunate one” (J. Modigliani, op. cit., p. 79) for the artist. His turbulent, impassioned and in many ways toxic relationship with the South African journalist, Beatrice Hastings came to an end. Recovering from the effects that his hedonistic and wild lifestyle with Hastings had caused to his already poor health, Modigliani started painting with a renewed intensity and this was aided enormously by his association with the Polish poet-turned-dealer, Léopold Zborowski. Zborowski had been a great admirer of Modigliani’s work before they met in the latter part of 1916, but he had not had the funds necessary to represent the artist. However, recognising the artist’s innate talent, Zborowski, with scarcely enough money to support himself and his family, offered Modigliani a deal, paying him a monthly stipend, as well as providing his materials, models and living costs in exchange for all his works, becoming his exclusive dealer. After years of living in dire poverty-stricken conditions, this deal gave Modigliani a new form of security, a renewed optimism and saw the artist’s production increase. He wrote to his mother in November of this year telling her of his newfound contentment: “Everything is going well. I am working and if I am sometimes worried, at least I am not as short of money as I was before” (Modigliani, 16 November 1916 in J. Modigliani, ibid., p. 80).
Amedeo Modigliani, Jeune femme (Victoria), 1917. Tate Gallery, London, bequeathed by C. Frank.
This period of relative stability saw the increasing refinement of Modigliani’s quintessential style and the creation of some of his greatest works. By this time the artist had assimilated a range of artistic sources and influences: from African and Oceanic art, to works of the early Italian Renaissance and the contemporaneous avant-garde. Having more or less given up sculpture two years earlier in 1914, due in part to his ill health, Modigliani had subsequently developed a strongly sculptural and volumetric pictorial idiom. La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) demonstrates the influences that Modigliani’s beloved medium had over his pictorial language at this time. The mask-like, stylised face of the woman had developed from Modigliani’s majestic carved heads. Enigmatic and deeply elegant, these hieratic stone heads were inspired by a range of sources, particularly African sculpture–the elongated facial features and sinuous lines of these works incised with the same simplified and flattened vocabulary of forms that can be seen in these tribal objects. Against the dark background, in La jeune femme à la rose (Margherita) the cylindrical, columnar neck and face of the woman are painted with a rich opacity that is so unique to the artist, imbuing her body with a sculptural sense of three-dimensionality. Moreover, Modigliani appears to have taken the tip of his brush handle and pulled it through the still wet oil paint to create the wavy strands of his sitter’s short, dark hair, an effect similar to the incised lines that signify the stylised hair of the carved heads. The accentuated line of the woman’s long nose echoes and complements the gentle curve of her neck, creating a sinuous and flowing ‘S’ shape turn that governs the composition. This lyrical conception of the female form would become a defining characteristic of the artist’s work throughout 1917 until his untimely and tragic death in 1920 and is encapsulated in his graceful portraits of the great love of his life and mother of his child, Jeanne Hébuterne.
Highlighting the modern section is Pablo Picasso’s (1881-1973) Homme assis, 1969 (estimate: $8,000,000-12,000,000) from the Collection of Kenneth and Susan Kaiserman. The colorful portrait of an exuberant swordsman derives from the critical group of Picasso’s famed late mousquetaire works and was exhibited at the famous 1970 Avignon exhibition at the Palais des Papes.
Lot 9C. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Homme assis, signed 'Picasso' (lower right); dated and numbered '17.9.69. I' (on the reverse), oil and Ripolin on canvas, 57 3/8 x 44 7/8 in. (146.7 x 113.9 cm.). Painted on 17 September 1969. Estimate: $8,000,000-12,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Galerie Louise Leiris, Paris.
Acquavella Galleries, Inc., New York (acquired from the above, 1984).
Acquired from the above by the late owners, 2 November 1985.
THE COLLECTION OF KENNETH AND SUSAN KAISERMAN
Susan and Kenneth Kaiserman arriving in Cusco, Peru in 1966. Photographer unknown, courtesy of the family.
Drawn to each other’s innate kindness, gracious spirit, and intellectual curiosity, Kenneth and Susan Kaiserman embarked on life’s journey side-by-side. Married for almost fifty years, they did everything together. They shared a deep and abiding passion for the arts; they traveled throughout the world; they raised two much beloved daughters. It was a true love story in the old style, ever more unusual in the modern day.
The life that they built together was distinctly their own, shaped not by fad or fashion but by their intellectual, spiritual, and aesthetic convictions. They loved music–opera and orchestral, classical and avant-garde–and it always filled their Philadelphia home. They would have gone to the theater every night if they could, and some weeks they did. From Susan, Kenneth learned to adore the ballet; in turn, he imparted to her his lifelong fascination with all things Latin American, and together they developed an enduring interest in pre-Columbian objects. They cared deeply about the art of our own time as well, assembling over the years an eclectic collection of works that spoke powerfully to them. They did not buy what was in vogue, but instead what they loved–art that was at once transcendent and deeply human, and that enhanced the life they chose to live.
The Kaisermans gave generously of their time, resources, and ideas to support initiatives and institutions that mattered to them. They were dedicated patrons of the Philadelphia Theatre Company and the Pennsylvania Ballet; together with Kenneth’s siblings, they were the guiding force behind the Kaiserman Family Fund for Modern and Contemporary Art at the Philadelphia Museum, and they loaned their own paintings widely. Profoundly moved by the plight of Ethiopian Jews, Kenneth worked tirelessly to help thousands re-locate to Israel and find sanctuary in their new land. They were loyal backers of Project HOME, a Philadelphia non-profit devoted to breaking the cycle of poverty and homelessness. Guided unwaveringly by their inner compass, they never hesitated to reach out a helping hand.
Susan and Kenneth Kaiserman in front of their Louise Nevelson. Photographer unknown, courtesy of the family. Artwork: © 2016 Estate of Louise Nevelson / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
As collectors, Kenneth and Susan sought out art that sparked their curiosity and engaged them intellectually, emotionally, and creatively, often making choices that were well ahead of their time. They acquired one of Picasso’s great, valedictory mousquetaires long before those had become fashionable. They were drawn to De Kooning in his later career too–both the roiling, propulsive swaths of color that energize his work from the 1970s and the lyrical, undulating arabesques that he turned to in the next decade. One year, they selected a monumental Kiefer landscape named for the mythical siren Lorelei; the next, they fell in love with a powerfully condensed and radically experimental Matisse portrait of Gertrude Stein’s young nephew Allan. These paintings became an integral part of their home; they lived with them the same way they did their books, their family photos, the mementoes from their travels.
Thoughtful, compassionate, intelligent, and genteel, Kenneth and Susan Kaiserman lived a life in full, always at one another’s side. Their legacy endures in their children and grand-children, in the many lives that they touched, and in the art that they loved, which is offered here in tribute to them.
Christie’s is honored to offer works from the Collection of Kenneth and Susan Kaiserman in our 20th Century Art week: Post-War & Contemporary Art Evening and Day sales on May 10 and 11: Anselm Kiefer, Lorelei, Willem de Kooning,Untitled XXIX, Willem de Kooning, Untitled and Alexander Calder, Crag and in our Impressionist & Modern Art Evening and Day sales on May 12 and 13: Henri Matisse, Portrait aux cheveux bouclés, pull marin (Allan Stein), Pablo Picasso, Homme assis and Joan Miró, Bas-relief.
Literature: R. Alberti, A Year of Picasso Paintings: 1969, New York, 1971, p. 217, no. 22 (illustrated in color prior to signature).
R. Alberti, Picasso en Avignon, Paris, 1971, p. 233, no. 22 (illustrated in color prior to signature).
C. Zervos, Pablo Picasso, Paris, 1976, vol. 31, no. 430 (illustrated prior to signature, pl. 124).
The Picasso Project, ed., Picasso's Paintings, Watercolors, Drawings and Sculpture: The Sixties III, 1968-1969, San Francisco, 2003, p. 243, no. 69-436 (illustrated prior to signature).
Exhibited: Avignon, Palais des Papes, Pablo Picasso, 1969-1970, May-September 1970, no. 82 (illustrated prior to signature).
Pablo Picasso, circa 1957. Photograph: Andre Villers. © 2016 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris.
Note: Attired in a ruffed collar and a yellow doublet adorned with vermilion chevrons and stripes, this Homme assis is a swordsman in Picasso’s company of mousquetaires, the signature subject in this artist’s astonishingly prodigious oeuvre during his final years, the crowning achievement of a career that lasted more than three-quarters of a century. Picasso in his late great work chose as his art historical avatar the mousquetaire, a swashbuckler of varied background with courtly aspirations, renowned for unstinting loyalty as a bodyguard to his king, his skill with the sword in battle, and most appealingly to Picasso, his unabashed boisterousness and insatiable taste for womanizing in the off-hours. This was the mask Picasso held up most frequently to the world in the pictures he created during the remaining years of his life.
In Homme assis Picasso specifically cast himself as the Spanish incarnation of this character, the 17th century Spanishhidalgo, a knight and a gentleman, on whom he bestowed the mirada fuerte, his own famous “strong gaze.” Rendering him in the light and shade, sol y sombra, of the Mediterranean–fierce, sun-struck yellow, red, and green against dark alizarin and black–Picasso has emphatically evoked the heraldic scarlet and gold of the Spanish flag. Since the tragic end of the Civil War in 1939, Picasso had refused to set foot in Spain while the fascist dictator Franco remained in power. The artist is perhaps honoring, in the design of this cavalier’s costume, the Senyera of Catalunya, the regional flag of red stripes on a yellow ground derived from the coat-of-arms of the medieval Crown of Aragón, which once included the lands where today the Catalan language, publicly suppressed during the Franco years, is again freely spoken.
By the late 1960s, Picasso travelled only locally–to the bull-fights at Fréjus, for instance–in order to avoid the attention of curious crowds. He preferred instead to spend as much time as possible at work in his studio, furiously painting against that unknown but diminishing measure of time he knew remained to him, while his wife Jacqueline fended off at the gate all but his few old friends then still living. During this prolific period, in splendid isolation, Picasso increasingly indulged his ever excitable and voluble imagination to create his own theater of memory, summoning to this stage characters from his past, on whom he impressed allusions to past masters and styles. He was constructing in his art a grand musée imaginaire unbounded by any walls of time and place.
Pablo Picasso, Homme à l’épée, Mougins, 25 July 1969. Sold, Christie’s, New York, 9 November 2015, lot 20A. © 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York
The mousquetaire make-over took place in the wake of emergency surgery Picasso secretly underwent in Paris, to remove an inflamed duodenal ulcer, in November 1965. Convalescing slowly during 1966, the artist devoured literature, revisiting his favorite classics, including Dumas’s The Three Musketeers (1844), the engaging adventures of Athos, Porthos and Aramis, which John Richardson has stated “he evidently knew by heart” (Picasso Mosqueteros, exh. cat., Gagosian Gallery, New York, 2009, p. 20). Picasso’s reading also included the plays of Shakespeare. Most significantly for his art, he had been intently studying Otto Benesch’s six-volume compendium of Rembrandt’s drawings.
The first mousquetaires appeared as swordsmen in two drawings dated 29 December 1966 (Zervos, vol. 25, nos. 246 and 258). When he resumed painting on canvas on 21-22 February 1967, the transformation into period attire had been accomplished; both canvases he painted on those days show an artist costumed as a 17th century cavalier, paintbrush and palette in hand (Zervos, vol. 25, nos. 280-281). Wave after wave of mousquetaires soon sprang forth.
Picasso’s sudden obsession with this band of brothers-in-arms seemed to many a willfully odd and retrograde pursuit at a time when America’s war in Vietnam dominated the headlines. Paris was still reeling from the throes of les jours de Mai, of the great student uprising. Amid the radical tumult of the Sixties, Picasso’s apparent retreat into centuries past made him seem more like a Don Quixote, out of touch with the times, than the profoundly committed creator of Guernica. Many in the art world assumed that Picasso was thumbing his nose at the new aesthetics of the day, when even the future of painting as a viable art form was in doubt.
While a few mousquetaires affect a pretentiously aristocratic manner, most are comically anti-heroic, like the characters in Robert Altman’s satirical anti-war film M*A*S*H (1970) and the long-running television series spun-off from it. That the artist had insinuated his famously long-held pacifist views into the picaresque demeanor of these military misfits was obvious from the outset, but the nature of Picasso’s relationship to the Sixties scene has only recently become more clearly apparent. In his essay “Peace and Love Picasso,” Dakin Hart discussed the social significance of the mousquetaires as "a kind of multinational, trans-historical hippie army engaged in a catalogue of alternatives to fighting.”
Pablo Picasso, Mousquetaire à la pipe, Mougins, 17 October 1968. Sold, Christie’s, New York, 6 May 2009, lot 7.© 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
“Picasso chose Dumas's musketeers as a subject,” Hart explained, “because they provided ideal raw material for the construction of a martial counterculture. As soldiers, Dumas's musketeers are (in a very typically Picassian way) more dedicated to the cult of life than to the organized business of death... Picasso deployed the only forces under his control, in the way that made the most sense to him, turning his musketeers into an extended commentary, not on the war in Vietnam per se, but on war in general... His reactions to contemporary events may be veiled in anachronistic costumes, art historical quotations and centuries-old literary references, but the spirit of his work is perfectly of the moment" (ibid., pp. 254-255).
Picasso’s mousquetaires comprise a catalogue of human foibles. There may be moments of melancholy, but never tragedy nor manifest evil, and at all times these spunky fellows charm the viewer by dint of their exuberant lack of self-discipline and the irresistible appeal of their earthy humor. “With this one you’d better watch out,” Picasso quipped to Hélène Parmelin, while standing among his mousquetaires. “That one makes fun of us. That one is enormously satisfied. This one is a grave intellectual. And that one... look how sad he is, the poor guy. He must be a painter...” (quoted in Picasso: Tradition and Avant-garde, exh. cat., Museo del Prado, Madrid, 2006, p. 340).
The great masters of the grand European tradition that inspired and shaped Picasso’s mousquetaires belonged to, from the Mediterranean south, the Spanish school–El Greco, Velázquez, and Goya; and from northern Europe, the Dutch–Rembrandt, Hals, Rubens, and most recent of all, Van Gogh. Picasso exclaimed, “I’ve got no real friends, I’ve got only lovers! Except perhaps for Goya, and especially Van Gogh” (quoted in A. Malraux, Picasso’s Mask, New York, 1974, pp. 138 and 18).
“What he wanted was to enlist Van Gogh’s dark spirits on his side, to make his art as instinctive and ‘convulsive’ as possible,” Richardson has written. "I suspect that Picasso also wanted to galvanize his paint surface–not always the most thrilling aspect of the epoch before Jacqueline's–with some of the Dutchman's Dionysian fervour. It worked. The surface of the late paintings has a freedom, a plasticity, that was never there before: they are more spontaneous, more expressive and more instinctive, than virtually all his previous work” (Late Picasso, exh. cat., The Tate Gallery, London, 1988, pp. 32 and 34).
Pablo Picasso, Nu debout et mousquetaire assis, Mougins, 30 November 1968. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. © 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
The mousquetaire paintings were the final major series of variations on an old master theme that Picasso undertook during his late period; this group is far more sprawling and open-ended than any sequence he had done previously. The sheer scope of this endeavor provided ample opportunity for Picasso to engage the great artists of the past whom he most admired, allowing him to arrive at an understanding of his own position and achievement within the continuity and traditions of European painting.
With the mousquetaires Picasso employed a serial procedure, taking care to date and number each picture, generating numerous variations on a theme, as an effective means of examining, assimilating and re-interpreting a subject, style, or manner in every aspect that had caught his eye. Picasso had become increasingly engaged in painting as “process,” in which the act of painting, not the completed art work, was a sufficient end in itself. “I have reached the stage where the movement of my thought interests me more than the thought itself” (quoted in K. Gallwitz, Picasso Laureatus, Paris, 1971, p. 166).
Picasso included Homme assis in his landmark exhibition Picasso: Oeuvres 1969-1970, which his friend Yvonne Zervos had organized on his behalf, held at the Palais des Papes in Avignon, May-September 1970. Known as Avignon I, this show comprised 165 paintings created between 5 January 1969 and 2 February 1970, together with 45 drawings in various media. A second exhibition, Avignon II–dedicated to paintings only that Picasso had done during 1970-1972–opened in May 1973, less than a month-and-a-half after the artist’s death on 8 April.
Vincent van Gogh, Le Zouave, Arles, 1888. Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam.
Among the throngs in attendance at the 1970 Avignon exhibition were numerous young people, whose reaction to Picasso’s rambunctious mousquetaires, sexually explicit nudes and passionately embracing lovers was noticeably more sympathetic than that of their elders, and far more enthusiastic than the critics. “One day, [we] found ourselves in Avignon at the Palais des Papes, among the crowd at Picasso's exhibition. Elbow to elbow,” Parmelin recalled. “Many hippies or their ilk, with hair, beards and hats, of the type Picasso enjoyed passing in the street. Many young people expressing their freedom through colors and clothing.” Her husband, the painter Edouard Pignon, wondered “whether the crowd is rising into the walls or whether the canvases are descending to mingle with the crowd. There is, finally, such a close correspondence between the crowd and the canvas, he says, that they are the same thing" (quoted in exh. cat., op. cit., 2009, p. 244).
Many critics wondered if such paintings were worthy of the world's most renowned living artist. They viewed Avignon I “as a compilation of summary painting, improvisations done in febrile haste, and the erotism of an old man,” Daix explained. “Whereas in fact Picasso had given them an extraordinary demonstration of an arrival at the start of a new visual era and of a growing sexual revolution which reached entirely beyond the limitations of resemblance, of artistic tradition, and convention" (Picasso: Life and Art, New York, 1973, p. 365).
"In retrospect, the parade of vehement canvases from Avignon has the appearance of a posthumous manifesto for a new painting,” Werner Spies affirmed, a quarter-century after Picasso’s death. “Picasso seems like the most contemporary of contemporary painters, the radical man of the hour. Now he could suddenly figure as a guarantor for subjectivity, for the return of figuration, and spontaneous painting–basically everything Minimal and Conceptual Art had written off as an anachronistic affair. All at once Picasso again began to be viewed as the unavoidable and undeniable founding figure of modern painting" (Picasso: Painting Against Time, exh. cat., Albertina, Vienna, 2006, p. 21).
The sale also showcases important works on paper by Picasso from the Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection, including La Minotauromachie, 1935 (estimate: $2,000,000-3,000,000), La Femme qui pleure, 1937, (estimate: $1,800,0002,500,000), and La Femme au Tambourin, 1939 (estimate: $800,000-1,200,000).
Lot 18C. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), La Minotauromachie, signed 'Picasso' in ink (lower right) and numbered '2/50' (lower left), etching and engraving with scraper on Montval paper, Baer's seventh (final) state. Image size: 19 ½ x 27 ¼ in. (50 x 69 cm.). Sheet size: 22 ¼ x 30 in. (57 x 76 cm.). Executed in 1935. Estimate: $800,000 – $1,200,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Mrs. William Liebermann, New York.
Nelson Rockefeller, New York.
Marlborough Fine Art, New York.
Eberhard W. Kornfeld, Bern (acquired from the above, 1973).
David Tunick Inc., New York.
Acquired from the above by the late owners, 1995.
The Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection
Literature: Ausstellung Kunstmuseum Basel, Meisterwerke der Graphik von 1800 bis zur Gegenwart, November - January 1976.
The Art Institute of Chicago, Graphic Modernism: Selections from the Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection at The Art Institute of Chicago, November 2003-January 2004.
Note: On a Saturday in early July 1935 Picasso sat in Roger Lacourière's studio in Paris and began work on a large copper plate. The image he would conjure up in elaborate detail over the next five days would become known as La Minotauromachie and is recognized as perhaps the most important graphic work of the 20th century. The image is a paradise for interpretation: anecdote mixed with symbolism mixed with myth. Coupled with Picasso's well known aversion to providing explanations for his art, the layered complexity of La Minotauromachie makes it one of his most intriguing images.
Reading from left to right we see a bearded man climbing a ladder, turning to look over his shoulder at the theatrical scene which plays out beneath him. To his right, two women at a window also look downwards, and immediately in front of them two doves sit by a shallow drinking dish. Below the window a young flower girl holds up a candle which illuminates the head of a wounded horse on whose back lies a torera, a female bull-fighter, who appears to be unconscious. Almost the entire right-hand half of the image is taken up by the enormous figure of a Minotaur whose outstretched right arm seeks to shield him from the candle's glow. Visible beyond the Minotaur on the distant horizon is a half sunken sailboat.
Most interpretations of La Minotauromachie begin by referencing factual events in Picasso's life at the time. The period between the winter of 1934 until the summer of 1935 saw almost no artistic production for Picasso, who described it as "la pire époque de ma vie" ("the worst period of my life"). In June 1935 Picasso's wife Olga had finally left him as a result of her discovering that his young mistress Marie-Thérèse Walter was pregnant. This situation provoked in Picasso a deep sense of inner turmoil which translated into a depressing non-creative impotence. Printmaking, an exercise which requires a significant amount of physical involvement, appears to have provided Picasso with much needed cathartic activity. Working on the copper plate, strength returned to the artist through his engagement with the material and, as the stages of constructing the image progressed, Picasso grew in confidence and the image grew in potency.
La Minotauromachie is replete with references to the autobiographical forces at work. As is suggested by its title, the primary symbolic sources are those of the tauromachie (the bull fight) and of the Minotaur, both of which Picasso had placed at the heart of his personal iconography since the early 1930s. The central group uses images from the bull fight as a visual metaphor for Picasso's sexual ‘battle’ with Marie-Thérèse. We see a fatally wounded horse twisted in pain and fear, its flank gored open. The torera lying on the horse's back bears the profile of Marie-Thérèse. In their in-depth study of the image, Goeppert and Goeppert-Frank identify the torera's swollen abdomen as a reference to Marie-Thérèse's pregnancy. Picasso portrays the consequences of the male bull (himself) having fatally ‘penetrated’ the female horse; the torera has also made a similar sacrifice with her pregnancy. The flower girl, although less physically identifiable as Marie-Thérèse, is her spiritual counterpart. Her calm presence and open display of unselfish affection recall why Picasso turned to Marie-Thérèse as his lover and refuge from the repressive conservatism of Olga. Hers are the qualities Picasso now feels he has lost: the innocence and acceptance of Marie-Thérèse's adolescence.
The heavy dark presence of the Minotaur counterbalances the flower girl's attempt to shed light on the scene. Picasso began using the image of a Minotaur as his own alter ego in the early 1930s, and in the etchings of La Suite Vollardfrom 1933-1936 we find a complete life cycle of the beast, beginning with social scenes of him as a self-confident sexual male indulging in bacchanalian, orgiastic celebrations. These scenes then give way to more sentimental works of a pensive creature caressing his sleeping lover. Next is a series of several images of a blind Minotaur, led through a barren land by a young Marie-Thérèse. Finally several images show the beast as man's victim, slain in the bull ring as the fear-inspiring outsider. The Minotaur of La Minotauromachie is depicted as meditative, paused in mid stride. The cause of his hesitation is evident: the flower girl's candle, and he reaches out to block the light and end the painful vision before him.
By introducing the Minotaur Picasso takes us from the realm of earthly battles into a world of legend and the surreal. The mythical Minotaur is the physical embodiment of man's fundamentally split personality, divided between his conscious sense of responsibility and an unconscious animal lust. By portraying himself as an imaginary creature which lives on the boundary of human experience, Picasso hints at a quasi-magical element of his own personality, which is the source of his creativity.
La Minotauromachie is the apotheosis of the themes Picasso developed throughout the 1930s, and is considered one of the two greatest prints of modern times, the other being La femme qui pleure, I (see lot 47). Although packed with symbolic references, the image is so compelling that it is not necessary to understand every one. Picasso believed that art is not created to make sense of the world, but rather to capture the unknowable elementary forces of nature. As his spiritual self-portrait, La Minotauromachie remained a deeply personal work for the artist. Picasso's most significant prints, both personally and critically, tended not to be printed and editioned in the precise, well organized way that most of his graphic output was. The artist saw these as a more private enterprise, with impressions given to close friends. Even buying one of these masterpieces was no simple process—having sufficient funds was not the only criteria, and many aspiring purchasers went away empty-handed. Picasso carefully selected those who he believed were entitled to own a Minotauromachie and therefore a piece of his own mythology.
Lot 46C. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), La Femme qui pleure, signed 'Picasso' in pencil (lower right) and numbered '3/15' (lower left), etching, scraper and aquatint on Montval paper, Baer's third state of seven. Image size: 27 1/8 x 19 ½ in. (69 x 50 cm.). Sheet size: 29 3/8 x 21 5/8 in. (75 x 55 cm.). Executed in 1937. Estimate: $1,800,000 – $2,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Walter Bareiss, New York.
Yale University, New Haven.
Acquired from the above by the late owners, 1979.
The Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection
Literature: G. Bloch, Catalogue de l'oeuvre gravé et lithographié 1904-1967, Bern, 1968, p. 288, no. 1333 (another example illustrated).
B. Baer, Picasso Peintre-Graveur, Bern, 1986, vol. III, p. 120, no. 623 (another example illustrated).
Exhibited: The Art Institute of Chicago, Master Drawings by Picasso, April-June 1981.
The Art Institute of Chicago, Graphic Modernism: Selections from the Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection at The Art Institute of Chicago, November 2003-January 2004.
Jacqueline Roque, Walter Bareiss (then acting director of the Museum of Modern Art) with Pablo Picasso, Ernst Beyeler, and William Rubin, on the occasion of Picasso’s gift of his “Guitar” construction to the MoMA, Spring 1969, Yale Univeristy Art Gallery, Gift of Molly and Walter Bareiss, B.S. 1940s. Artwork: © 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
Note: Picasso created not one, but two famously iconic images during May-July 1937, as he reacted to news of the murderous Civil War in Spain. The first is the painting Guernica, unveiled at the Spanish Pavilion of the 1937 World Exposition in Paris. Picasso, a life-long pacifist, wanted to use this very public forum to express his shock and outrage at the destruction the German and Italian air forces--acting for General Franco's fascists -- had rained down on the ancient, defenseless Basque town of Guernica, and to affirm his support for the legitimate Republican (Loyalist) government in Madrid. The second image, conceived on a more intimate scale, is La femme qui pleure, I, offered here, which no less significantly reveals a dimension of profound private feeling in Picasso's work, where he grippingly portrayed a woman caught up in paroxysms of deepest sorrow.
Both these masterpieces feature aspects of one or other of Picasso's two mistresses of the period, whose contending, complementary qualities inspired and galvanized his creative efforts. Marie-Thérèse Walter, whom Picasso met in 1927 and in 1935 became the mother of their daughter Maya, appears in multiple guises in Guernica. "Picasso had no hesitation in using Marie-Thérèse's image as the incarnation of peace and innocence at the mercy of the forces of evil in this supreme indictment of war as well as of totalitarianism," John Richardson has written. Dora Maar had since the summer of 1936 become Marie-Thérèse's rival for the artist's love and attention; Picasso managed the affections of both women to his advantage. "Dora largely inspired the Weeping Woman paintings," Richardson has stated, and while Picasso worked on both ideas concurrently and inter-relatedly, the author has cautioned us to view the Weeping Women as "a separate series that should not be identified too closely with Guernica" (L'Amour Fou: Picasso and Marie-Thérèse, exh. cat., Gagosian Gallery, New York, 2011, pp. 45-46).
Pablo Picasso, La femme qui pleure, Paris, 12 October 1937. Museo Nacional de Arte Reina Sofía, Madrid. © 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
In early 1937 Picasso considered the idea of an artist and model theme for his Spanish Pavilion mural, but the bombing of Guernica on Sunday 26th April, killing more than 1,600 of the town's 7,000 inhabitants, immediately convinced him of the subject he should paint. Within days he created his first studies, showing the horse and bull. On 10th May he drew a woman with her head raised to the sky, her mouth agape, looking away in horror from the lifeless infant in her arms. The first studies of a weeping woman, with tears dangling on threadlike tracks from darkened eyes, emerged on 24 May (Zervos, vol. 9, nos. 31 and 33); Picasso was alluding to the precedent of the mater dolorosa--Mary weeping for her crucified son, and by inference, for all humankind--a potent theme in Baroque Spanish religious art. The most intense of all the Guernica studies are those weeping women Picasso drew between 28 May and 3 June (Zervos, vol. 9, nos. 35, 39, 40, 41 and 44 [the latter, fig. 1]; all the preceding, like Guernica, in the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, Madrid).
The Weeping Woman, however, did not ultimately appear in Guernica. The closest Picasso came to inserting some aspect of her is visible in Dora's photographs which document the mural in progress during late May; the "Marie-Thérèse" profile of the leaning woman at lower right shows two tears on her cheek, which the artist subsequently removed. Drawing on newspaper photographs, press reports and newsreels, Picasso wanted to describe in his mural the sudden, unprecedented shock of total war to which the civilian population of Guernica had fallen victim. The riveting presence of the Weeping Woman, Picasso decided, would upstage the ensemble effect to which the four women in the painting contribute their fearful and agonized expressions, and distract attention from the primal, mythic symbolism of the horse and bull. Picasso intended Guernica to depict the stunned victims' immediate response to the actual moments of destruction--tears of grief and lamentation would come later, together with the handkerchief to dry one's eyes. The weeping Dora is both victim and witness, like the chorus which responds to the horrors that take place on stage in a Greek tragedy. She is moreover a universal figure not attached to any single event nor even to her cataclysmic century as a whole--she is the timeless manifestation of unfathomable and inconsolable human sorrow, the bearer of an elemental emotion that is as miraculously and beautifully human to contemplate as it is disturbing to behold.
Picasso etched the seven states of La femme qui pleure, I on 1 July, three days before completing his mural. The image first appears in all its stark clarity in the present third state, which, together with the final seventh state, were the only two Picasso decided to sign and number in a published edition of fifteen impressions each.
Pablo Picasso, La femme qui pleure, Paris, 26 October 1937. Formerly in the collection of Sir Roland Penrose; Tate, London. © 2016 Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
Picasso, however, was not done with the Weeping Woman. "The one motif he could not relinquish," Judi Freeman has stated, "was that of the weeping woman. Her visage haunted him. He drew her frequently, almost obsessively, for the next several months. She was the metaphor for his private agonies" (exh. cat., op. cit., 1994, p. 61). Picasso executed the next series of nearly a dozen drawings of the Weeping Woman, with four oil paintings, between 8 June and 6 July (Zervos, vol. 9, no. 54; fig. 3), before taking his summer holiday in Mougins with Dora and their friends. He returned to the subject in October, culminating in the well-known oil version Femme en pleurs, dated 26 October 1937 (Zervos, vol. 9, no. 73; fig. 4) which Roland Penrose purchased from Picasso in November. Among Picasso's final paintings of 1937 is La Suppliante, dated 18 December (Musée Picasso, Paris); tearless but imploring, her eyes and arms raised to the sky, she is a final echo of the horrified mother in Guernica.
Dora would remain Picasso's emblematic victim through the ordeal of the German Occupation during the Second World War. "For me she's the weeping woman," Picasso told Françoise Gilot. "For years I've painted her in tortured forms, not through sadism, and not with pleasure, either; just obeying a vision that forced itself on me" (F. Gilot, Life with Picasso, New York, 1964, p. 122). As Picasso's biographer, Richardson has taken a more objectively insightful view of their relationship: "The source of Dora's tears was not Franco, but the artist's traumatic manipulation of her. Picasso's obsession with her had intensified [at that time], but to judge by the artist's portrayals of her, it precluded tenderness. Marie-Thérèse was submissive out of love; Dora out of a Sadean propensity" (exh. cat., op. cit., 2011, p. 46).
The present impression was formerly in the collection of Walter Bareiss (1920-2007), one-time director of MoMA and connoisseur who, together with his wife Molly, built important collections of Japanese pottery, Chinese and classical Greek ceramics and a pioneering survey of African art. His interest in western prints and drawings was lifelong, beginning in 1933 at the age of 13 when he purchased an impression of Picasso’s Salomé (see lot 1057 in our Works on Paper sale for another example of this print).
Lot 8C. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), La Femme au Tambourin, signed 'Picasso' in pencil and numbered '11/30' (lower left), etching and aquatint on Arches paper, Baer's fifth (final) state. Image size: 26 ¼ x 20 ¼ in. (67 x 51 cm.). Sheet size: 30 1/8 x 22 3/8 in. (77 x 57 cm.). Executed in 1939. Estimate: $800,000 – $1,200,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Galerie Louise Leiris, Paris.
Acquired from the above by the late owners.
Literature: G. Bloch, Catalogue de l'oeuvre gravé et lithographié 1904-1967, Bern, 1968, p. 92, no. 310 (another example illustrated).
B. Baer, Picasso Peintre-Graveur, Bern, 1986, vol. III, p. 160, no. 646 (another example illustrated).
Exhibited: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Picasso: Sixty Years in His Graphic Work, October-December 1966.
The Art Institute of Chicago, Graphic Modernism: Selections from the Francey and Dr. Martin L. Gecht Collection at The Art Institute of Chicago, November 2003-January 2004.
Note: Whilst the extraordinary figure depicted in La Femme au Tambourin bears a resemblance to Dora Maar, identifiable by her wide-eyed expression and powerful chin, Picasso's dancer is not a portrait of one person, but rather a vision of an altogether more profound kind. The extraordinary body, twisted in extreme contrapposto, communicates a sense of frenzy and abandon. Set against an inky blackness, the effect is both energizing and troubling. It is an emotional work reflective of the volatile events of 1939, when Germany and Italy were dominated by Fascism and the Civil War in Spain had reached its tumultuous last days. La Femme au Tambourin is one of a small but highly important group of works, which includes La Femme qui Pleure I (see lot 47) created in direct response to these events.
Picasso's monumental depiction of volatility draws from several sources. The first state of the etching shows a pose which borrowed much from Degas' monotype Après le Bain. As Brigitte Baer describes, several alterations then resulted in a woman who 'cannot stand upright and keep her balance'. Picasso's ingenious solution was to radically alter the figure's right leg which was now flung outward, paradoxically balancing and increasing the sense of twisting movement. Another key inspiration was the Maenad figures in Poussin's A Bacchanalian Revel before a Term (1932-3), whose raised arms are to be found in Picasso's image.
Whilst the subject of dance usually suggests elation, Picasso's tambourine woman is frenzied and wild. A great part of this emotive element comes from Picasso's superlative use of technique. The dancer's body has been carved in energetic swathes across the plate, with vigorously scored details adding to the sense of movement. The aquatint work however is subtle and extremely skillful: light and shadow play across the figure, whereas the background is a void of velvety blackness. Printing the background of such a large plate was a considerable challenge, even for his master printer Roger Lacourière. Legend has it that Picasso wanted it printed in Paris, in part to keep the atelier in business in defiance of the Nazi occupation.
(Brigitte Baer, Picasso The Engraver, Thames and Hudson, New York, 1997, p. 43)
The sale presents Frida Kahlo’s (1907-1954) Dos desnudos en el bosque (La tierra misma), 1939, (estimate: $8,000,000-12,000,000). This small and exquisite surrealist painting depicts a dreamlike scene between two nude women in a forest alluding to Kahlo’s sexuality and identity. Gifted by the artist to Dolores del Río, the celebrated Mexican and American actress from the 1920s, the painting was last seen at market in 1989. This masterpiece has been both highly published and exhibited and last shown at Frida Kahlo: Art, Garden, Life at The New York Botanical Garden, May-November 2015.
Works by René Magritte (1898-1967) are led by Les profondeurs du plaisir, painted in 1947 (estimate: $4,500,000-6,500,000), a work that Magritte considered one of his masterpieces. The idea for this painting came to Magritte when his wife Georgette stood and looked out the window one summer evening. Another painting by Magritte is L’explication, 1962 (estimate: $1,000,000-2,000,000), from a series where he locates the mystery in ordinary objects—the bottle morphs into a carrot. On a related theme, Femme-bouteille, executed circa 1941 (estimate: $500,000-800,000) is from a series of works where Magritte transformed bottles into other objects--a nude woman with her hair cascading down the back of the bottle. The first owner of the present bottle was the surrealist artist Paul Delvaux who acquired the work from Magritte. The present owner acquired the work at auction in 1972.
Lot 37C. René Magritte (1898-1967), Les profondeurs du plaisir, signed 'Magritte' (lower right); signed again, dated, titled and numbered '"LES PROFONDEURS DU PLAISIR" (II) MAGRITTE 1947' (on the reverse), oil on canvas, 31 ½ x 39 3/8 in. (80 x 100 cm). Painted in 1947. Estimate: $4,500,000-$6,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Jean Bourjou, Brussels (1954 and until circa 1970).
Private collection, Brussels; sale, Christie's, London, 25 March 1980, lot 50A.
Private collection, Bologna (acquired at the above sale).
Acquired from the above by the present owner.
Literature: L. Piérard, "Magritte, le surréaliste" in Le Peuple, Brussels, 30 January 1948, p. 2.
Letter from Robert Giron to E.L.T. Messens, 25 March 1954.
R. Barilli, I Surrealismi, Bologna, 1983, p. 42 (illustrated in color; illustrated in color again on the cover).
D. Sylvester, ed., René Magritte, Catalogue raisonné, Oil Paintings and Objects, 1931-1948, London, 1993, vol. II, , p. 390, no. 632 (illustrated).
Exhibited: Brussels, Galerie Dietrich, Exposition Magritte, January-February 1948.
Brussels, La Sirène, Oeuvres récentes de René Magritte, October 1953, no. 23.
La Louvière, Maison des Loisirs, René Magritte exposé, March-April 1954, no. 10.
Brussels, Palais des Beaux-Arts, René Magritte, May-June 1954, no. 72.
Charleroi, Salle de la Bourse, XXXe Salon du Cercle Royal Artistique et Littéraire de Charleroi, Rétrospective René Magritte, March 1956, no. 88.
Brussels, Musée d'Ixelles, Magritte, April-May 1959, no. 68.
Liège, Musée des Beaux-Arts, Exposition Magritte, October-November 1960, no. 40.
Charleroi, Trent ans de peinture belge, 1920-1950, 1961.
Brussels, Galerie Isy Brachot, Magritte: Cent-cinquante oeuvres; première vue mondiale de ses sculptures, January-February 1968, no. 84.
Ferrara, Gallerie Civiche d'Arte Moderna Palazzo dei Diamanti, René Magritte, June-October 1986, p. 183, no. 19 (illustrated in color).
Note: The present Le profondeurs du plaisir (“The depths of pleasure”) “is a work that Magritte particularly valued,” David Sylvester wrote. “When it was not included by Mesens in his initial selection for the Brussels Palais des Beaux-Arts in 1954, the first major retrospective, [Magritte] was quick to point out the omission to Robert Giron, who gave Mesens the message in a letter of 25 March 1954 that ‘Magritte considers it as one of his masterpieces’” (cat. rais., op. cit., vol. II, 1993, p. 390).
The glowing self-assessment that Magritte accorded this sublime epiphany of a painting does indeed take full measure of its intrinsic qualities; it is one that stands out from the larger body of his oeuvre as well. Here the artist set aside the typical approach he employed when creating the imagery in his compositions, in which he would “show objects in situations in which we never encounter them”—as he stated—“given my intention to make the most everyday objects shriek aloud” (“La ligne de vie,” 1938, in cat. rais., op. cit., vol. V, 1997, p. 19). The viewer here neither confronts any startling juxtapositions, nor is left to ponder an irresolvable, mind-bending conundrum.
One may take pleasure, instead, in contemplating Magritte’s intuition of a profound harmony that connects the human presence with the larger elements of the world around it, in which the many diverse and contrasting aspects of perceived reality have been subsumed into more all-encompassing vision of our existence. “This is how we see the world, we see it outside ourselves, and yet the only representation we have of it is inside us” (ibid., p. 21). The depths of pleasure, Magritte may be telling us, are furthermore the pleasures of the profound—an appreciation of those natural truths we bear within us, which we may draw in from the world as casually as one drinks a glass of water.
René Magritte, Le monde des images, 1950. Sold, Christie’s London, 20 June 2012, lot 57. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York
The idea for the essential image in this painting came to Magritte, as his wife Georgette explained to Sylvester and Sarah Whitfield, when she and the artist were visiting Willy van Hove, their friend and a collector, on a summer evening. Georgette stood up and looked out the window. Magritte later described this simple moment of inspiration in his record book Titres, 1948: “In the—apparently banal—circumstances in which this woman finds herself, it would seem that the depths of pleasure can be achieved” (cat. rais., op. cit., vol. II, 1993, p. 380). Magritte made a preliminary sketch in a letter to Pierre Andrieu dated 19 August 1947. The surrealist writer Paul Nougé had already suggested to Magritte the title—Les profondeurs du plaisir.
Magritte painted the first version of this subject later that summer and sold it directly to a Belgian collector in November 1947 (Sylvester, no. 620). A second version—the present painting, likewise titled, moreover numbered on the reverse “(II)”—“was painted in the last weeks of 1947,” Sylvester surmised (ibid., p. 390). The first version having already been sold, Magritte painted the second larger canvas, this time in a wide landscape format, in order to include the image in the Exposition Magritte that opened at Galerie Dietrich, Brussels, in January 1948.
René Magritte, Le plagiat, 1940. Sold, Christie’s, London, 6 February, 2013, lot 110. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
There is in the ordinary act of drinking water, as Magritte infers in this painting, a natural but miraculous process of transubstantiation: this liquid sustenance becomes the body. That which is most profoundly essential for life is also the most ordinary of pleasures. The simple truth of this revelation, the consequence of such a commonplace occurrence as his wife standing up to step before a window, did in no way involve a problem to be solved, in the manner which Magritte would customarily undertake a picture he might have in mind. Here was as serendipitous an opportunity for a powerful idea as Magritte could want, like that of picking up a found object and instantly realizing the work of art that one might create from it. The beautiful simplicity in this process of the imagination, he likely considered, was no less a masterpiece than the resultant art work itself.
The contrasts upon which Magritte created the composition in Les profondeurs are of the most fundamental, elemental kind. The setting is a familiar one in Magritte’s figure and still-life subjects. The architecture of a wide stone balcony, as if taken from Roman antiquity, separates the interior realm and the human presence within it from the vast sea and sky beyond; it is a “window,” but without glass, posing no barrier between these spaces. The presence of the slim crescent moon, aglow in its halo, betokens the infinite expanse of the greater cosmos. Notice how the distant horizon line mysteriously drops slightly to the right side of the woman as she drinks, as if she were emptying the unfathomable sea into herself. A luminous, hazy light, like an all-enveloping atmosphere of omnipresent consciousness, suffuses all of these spatial realms and melds them as one.
In many paintings of the pre-war period, as in Le miroir universel, 1938-1939 (Sylvester, no. 465), Magritte had conjured “la magie noire... an act of black magic to turn a woman’s flesh into sky,” as he explained in a letter to Breton dated 22 June 1934 (quoted in ibid., p. 187). The fluorescence of pale light in Les profondeurs, on the other hand, may be likened to a kind of “white” magic, stemming from powers that are beneficent and of natural origin.
René Magritte, Le miroir universel, 1938-1939. Sold, Christie’s, New York, 12 November 2015, lot 22C. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
The lessening of strident pictorial tensions and the noticeable absence of any combative confrontation between objects or elements suggests in Les profondeurs the resurgence of a serenely classical aspect in Magritte’s art. The Second World War had ended two-and-a-half years earlier, and the artist could now put behind him the most pressing anxieties of the previous decade. This classical tendency moreover reveals itself as a reaction to the stylistic pastiches through which Magritte expressed pictorial ideas during his impressionist or so-called “Renoir” period while the war was in progress. He then painted, for himself and his friends, pictures that might offer the mind an escape from a world fraught with menace. No longer threatened, he could again plumb, undistracted, the depths of more profoundly edifying matters, and contemplate the truths he discovered therein.
A revival of classical discipline is further evident here in the De Stijl-like framing grid that emerges from Magritte’s use of vertical and horizontal compositional axes. He moreover exercised discretion and restraint in his use of color to create a muted nocturnal ambiance. Most importantly, however, Magritte imbued the figure of the partly nude woman with a warmly humanistic classicism; he treated her maturity with tender respect, bathing her in the soft glow of moonlight. Magrittte here transformed his wife Georgette into a latter-day Venus, the sea-born goddess, daughter of the moon, her body forever subject to the ebb and flow of ocean tides.
In the preface to the catalogue for the 1948 Galerie Dietrich exhibition, in which Les profondeurs du plaisir (II) was first shown, the poet Nougé wrote: “Moving from the most fluid, the most luminous or the most murky profundity to the organization of that profundity... this is what throws the spectator into a world of new feeling” (quoted ibid., p. 152).
Lot 12C. René Magritte (1898-1967), L’explication, signed ‘Magritte’ (lower left); signed again, dated and titled 'Magritte 1962 L’EXPLICATION”' (on the reverse), gouache on paper, 14 x 10 ¾ in. (35.6 x 27.3 cm). Painted in 1962. Estimate: $1,000,000 – $2,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Arturo Schwarz, Milan (acquired from the artist); sale, Nuova Brera Arte, Milan, November 1963.
Anon. sale, Sotheby’s, London, 1 April 1987, lot 402.
Acquired at the above sale by the present owner.
Literature: Letter from R. Magritte to A. Iolas, 26 September 1962.
Letter from R. Magritte to A. Bosmans, 1 November 1962.
Statement of account from R. Magritte to A. Iolas, 1 January 1963.
D. Sylvester, ed., René Magritte: Catalogue Raisonné, Gouaches, Temperas, Watercolours and Papiers Collés, 1918-1967, London, 1994, vol. IV, p. 245, no. 1513 (illustrated).
Exhibited: Milan, Galleria Arturo Schwarz, Magritte, December 1962.
Rome, L'Attico, Magritte, 9 January 1963.
Turin, Galleria Notizie, Magritte: opere scelte dal 1925 al 1962, March-April 1965, p. 12 (illustrated).
Rome, La Medusa, Studio d'Arte Contemporanea, René Magritte: selezione di dipinti dal 1925 al 1962, June 1965, no. 4 (illustrated).
Brussels, Galerie Isy Brachot, Le Surréalisme en Belgique I, April-July 1986, no. 20 (illustrated).
New York, Arnold Herstand & Co, René Magritte: Paintings, November-December 1986, pp. 38 and 46 (illustrated in color).
Paris, Musée Maillol, Magritte tout en papier, March-June 2006, p. 64 (illustrated in color, p. 65).
Note: “So I decided, around 1925, that from then on, I would paint only objects with all their visible details,” Magritte declared in a 1938 lecture (“La ligne de vie,” trans. D. Sylvester, cat. rais., op. cit., 1997, vol. V, p. 18). Following this basic notion of seeking the mystery in ordinary things, Magritte has concocted in L’explication, from a wine bottle and a carrot, a hybrid phenomenon in which each of the original objects, related only in the semblance of shape, appears in a state of metamorphosis from one into the other, merging aspects of both. The result suggests another thing altogether, unrelated to either component—perhaps, most dramatically and unforeseen, the glowing, heated nose cone of an artillery shell.
The process at work here is fundamental to Magritte’s creative means; as David Sylvester pointed out, “The image of the carrot-bottle seems to be a perfect exemplification of Magritte’s method of ‘elective affinities’. Both the definitive title and the title [Marcel] Mariën noted that [Paul] Nougé had suggested, ‘Un discourse de la methode’/ ‘Discourse on method’, might perhaps be allusions to its paradigmatic nature” (cat. rais, op. cit., 1993, vol. III, no. 764, p. 185).
René Magritte, L’explication, 1952. Sold, Christie’s, New York. 11 May 1995, lot 369. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
André Breton had found in his reading of Le Comte de Lautréamont’s Les Chants de Maldoror (1869) a memorable statement which seemed to anticipate the emerging surrealist program—Lautréamont (the pseudonym of Isadore-Lucien Ducasse) had described an experience as marvelous “as the random encounter between an umbrella and a sewing-machine upon a dissecting-table” (A. Lykiard, trans., Cambridge, Mass., 1994, p. 193). Max Ernst ran with this idea in his collages, having observed that “the association of two, or more, apparently alien elements on a plane alien to both is the most potent ignition of poetry” (quoted in C. G. Jung, Man and His Symbols, London, 1964, p. 298).
Magritte had employed an art of abrupt juxtaposition in creating the imagery of his early work, through the mid-1930s. He then discovered a more subtle means of inducing the shock of the ordinary by instead revealing an unexpected affinity between objects. “One night in 1936, I woke up in a room where there happened to be a bird sleeping,” he recounted. “A splendid misapprehension made me see the cage with the bird gone and replaced by an egg. I had grasped a new and astonishing poetic secret, because the shock I experienced was caused precisely by the affinity between the two objects: the cage and the egg, whereas previously I had provoked the shock of bringing together totally unrelated objects” (“La ligne de vie,” op. cit., 1997, p. 16).
René Magritte, Sky with two men conversing, 1964. Sold, Christie’s, London, 20 June 2012, lot 68. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
The first version of L’explication is an oil painting Magritte created in 1951, which the artist’s dealer Alexandre Iolas sold the following year to the Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro (Sylvester, no. 764). It is fortunate that the artist created two subsequent versions of this subject, likewise titled, in 1952 (no. 782; sold Christie’s, New York, 11 May 1995, lot 369; and no. 784), because the Rio de Janeiro picture was destroyed by fire in July 1978. A fourth version of the three objects, also dated 1952, is set before a window which initially overlooked a Thames landscape; Magritte subsequently repainted the background to show a metal curtain and grelots (Sylvester, no. 783).
Lot 13C. René Magritte (1898-1967), Femme-bouteille, oil on glass bottle. Height: 11 ¾ in. (29.8 cm.). Painted circa 1941; unique. Estimate: $500,000 – $800,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Paul Delvaux, Brussels (acquired from the artist).
Hardy Amies, London (gift from the above); sale, Sotheby & Co., London, 29 November 1972, lot 82.
Acquired at the above sale by the present owner.
Literature: D. Sylvester and S. Whitfield, René Magritte: Catalogue Raisonné, Oil Paintings and Objects, 1931-1948, London, 1993, vol. II, p. 438, no. 693 (illustrated).
Private collection. Photo: courtesy Brachot Gallery, Brussels. © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York.
Note: “The creation of new objects, the transformation of known objects,” Magritte declared, “...such in general were the means devised to force objects out of the ordinary, to become sensational, and so to establish a profound link between consciousness and the external world” (“La ligne de vie,” lecture, 1938, trans. D. Sylvester, cat. rais., op. cit., vol. V, 1997, p. 20). Having resolved to cultivate such metamorphoses in the imagery of his paintings, Magritte also shared the surrealists’ fascination in creating independent, personalized objects from found things. He contributed to theExposition surréaliste d’objets at the Galerie Charles Ratton, Paris, in 1936 a small trompe l’oeil painting of a wedge of cheese, framed and placed under a borrowed countertop glass dome (Sylvester, no. 682). He also painted commercially produced plaster casts of the Vénus de Milo, and the death masks of Napoleon and Pascal (nos. 673-678, 687 and 701).
While painting the plaster casts, Magritte conceived the idea of employing a far more ubiquitous, mass-produced ready-made, the glass wine bottle. The present object is a claret bottle (used for Bordeaux wines, which the artist appears to have favored) on which Magritte rendered in oil colors the image of a part-length standing nude woman, enveloped on her sides and back in cascading tresses of hair, a subject which aptly became known as a Femme-bouteille. Painted circa 1941, the present work is among the earliest of these objects, which Magritte continued to create during the remainder of this career, the last in 1964 (Sylvester, nos. 1084 and 1085). Having documented twenty-seven painted bottles, and surmised circumstantially the existence of several more, David Sylvester suspected there were numerous others, unknown and probably lost to breakage.
Some of these bottles bear images of the sky, fire, or other motifs that Magritte adapted from his paintings on canvas; there are also three bottles that incorporate pastiches Magritte created in homage–tongue-in-cheek or otherwise–after synthetic cubist paintings of Picasso (Sylvester, nos. 699, 700 and 1070). Female nudes adorn a third of these objects; according to the artist’s wife Georgette, the first bottle Magritte painted depicts this subject, a work which the artist kept and she continued to retain after his death (Sylvester, no. 690). Countering suggestions in earlier literature that Magritte had been already painting bottles during the 1930s, Sylvester dated the artist’s initial effort to the autumn of 1940, noting that Magritte had recently mentioned the idea in a letter written at that time to the British collector Edward James, then residing in New York. Sylvester also noted that the blond, Lady Godiva-like hair seen in the first bottle shows up in the painting La connaissance naturelle, known to have been completed in early 1941 (Sylvester, no. 488).
“The painted bottles idea you mentioned in your letter of last autumn is an extremely good one,” James wrote back to Magritte on 23 May 1941. The artist was then living in war-time Brussels under the German occupation; there were only limited opportunities to sell his art, but America had not yet entered the war and was still open to trade from Europe. “You will sell a lot at good prices,” James advised. “This is exactly New York taste and Hollywood’s as well. People in New York were, at least before the war, more sophisticated than in London. I don’t know why, but for the last 15 years there has been more taste for this sort of fantasy in New York” (quoted in cat. rais., op. cit., 1993, vol. II, p. 86). In an undated letter to Magritte’s friend Louis Scutenaire, presumably sent in early November 1941, the artist mentioned jokingly, “The news is that I have a commission from Paris for 50 bottles, but the work causes me positively superhuman exhaustion” (quoted in ibid.). There was, of course, no such order, and any dream that Magritte may have entertained of shipping painted bottles to New York came to naught when Pearl Harbor was bombed on 7 December 1941, and the United States declared war on the Axis powers.
Scutenaire and his partner Irène Hamoir received in March 1942 the bottle they had requested (Sylvester, no. 694); the early trade in these works most often took place between the artist and his friends. Such was the case for the presentFemme-bouteille, which Magritte either gave or sold to his compatriot Paul Delvaux. “We do not know when,” Sylvester has written, “but we do know that relations between the two artists were at their best during the war years” (ibid., p. 438). Delvaux subsequently gave this Femme-bouteille to Hardy Amies, famed as a fashion designer and dressmaker to Queen Elizabeth II, in gratitude for his service during the war as a covert British agent working with the resistance in Brussels. Amies sold this bottle at London auction in 1972, when it was acquired by the present owner.
The most charming of the painted bottles are les femmes, which proved to be the subject most often in demand. The raised neck and wide shoulders characteristic of a wine or spirit bottle well suit this object for use in simulation of the human figure. Magritte overcame the impediment of the bottle’s straight “masculine” sides by painting the woman’s long hair from top to bottom along her sides, and pinching the contours along each flank in frontal view, thus giving the semblance of feminine curvature to her figure. The addition of painted shadows completed the illusion.
The affinity that Magritte revealed in this appearance of shared form–woman as bottle, or vice-versa–is essential to the viewer’s immediate recognition of the Femme-bouteille idea and the pleasure that one takes in pondering this visual simile. Magritte, as usual, held still more metaphorical tricks up his sleeve to deepen this connection of one idea with the other, as he suggested in the first picture in which he introduced a Femme-bouteille as an object painted into the composition. In the gouache L’inspiration, 1942 (Sylvester, no. 1174), a reconsideration of Le portrait, 1935 (no. 379), Magritte has placed a Femme-bouteille on a dining table, as the presumed accompaniment to a meal about to be served.
René Magritte, L’inspiration, 1942. Private collection. Artwork: © 2016 C. Herscovici, London / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York. Photo: © Bridgeman Images.
One may imagine any number of scenarios. The title L’inspiration suggests that Magritte is inferring the traditional relationship between the painter and his model, with l’eternel féminin– woman transformed into object and idea–as the elemental source of desire and the impetus to creativity, not unlike imbibing drink or some other stimulant, if the artist were so inclined when going about his work. Or one may imagine the prosaic scene of a man sitting down to dine alone, taking comfort in a wine of his choosing, while wishing for the presence of a lovely woman, or better still, enjoying both at the same time. The story deepens into a multiplicity of co-existing realities, as Sylvester prompts us to consider, “Are we looking at an actual painted bottle or an imaginary one?” (cat. rais., op. cit., vol. II, 1993, p. 87). Anything in a Magritte painting, or in the shape of an object of his making such as that offered here, is more than it is or may seem to be.
Other celebrated artists in the sale include works from The Ducommun Family Collection. Their collection includes Georges Braque’s (1882-1963) Mandoline à la partition (Le Banjo), 1941, (estimate: $7,000,000-9,000,000) one of Braque’s greatest late career still-lifes; and Henri Matisse’s (1869-1954) Nu couché III, conceived in Nice in 1929 and cast in 1931, (estimate: $1,000,000-1,500,000), an early cast from the edition of 10. Both works have been in same American collection for over forty years.
Lot 19C. Georges Braque (1882-1963), Mandoline à la partition (Le Banjo), signed and dated 'G Braque 41’ (lower right), oil on canvas, 42 3/8 x 35 1/8 in. (107.7 x 89.1 cm). Painted in 1941. Estimate: $7,000,000 – $9,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Galerie Louise Leiris (Daniel-Henry Kahnweiler), Paris (by 1942).
André Lefèvre, Paris.
Mme Frigerio, Paris (by 1953).
Robert Kahn-Sriber, Paris.
Private collection, France; sale, Sotheby & Co., London, 1 July 1975, lot 50.
Acquired at the above sale by the family of the present owners.
Property from the Ducommun family collection
Literature: G. Besson, intro., Couleurs de maîtres 1900-1940, Lyon, 1942 (illustrated in color, pl. 20).
J. Paulhan, Braque le patron, Geneva, 1946, p. 127 (illustrated).
L. Degand, “Par la lettre et l’image” in Les Lettres Françaises, 25 October 1946 (illustrated).
Pour l’art, no. 5, September-October 1949 (illustrated; titled Intérior).
Galerie Maeght, ed., Catalogue de l’oeuvre de Georges Braque, Peintures, 1936-1941, Paris, 1961 (illustrated, pl. 81 and illustrated again in color).
S. Fumet, Georges Braque, Paris, 1965, p. 217 (illustrated in color, p. 135).
F. Ponge, “Feuillet votif” in Nouveau Recueil, Paris, 1967, p. 190.
F. Ponge, P. Descargues and A. Malraux, G. Braque, New York, 1971, p. 48.
R. Cogniat, G Braque, Paris, 1976, p. 60 (illustrated, pl. 41).
F. Ponge, “L’Atelier contemporain” in Oeuvres complètes, Paris, 2002, vol. II, p. 706.
A. Danchev, Georges Braque: A Life, New York, 2005, p. 214.
Exhibited: Kunsthalle Bern, Georges Braque, April-May 1953, p. 12, no. 88.
Paris, Musée du Louvre, L’Atelier de Braque, November 1961, no. 37.
London, Royal Academy of Arts and Houston, The Menil Collection, Braque: The Late Works, January-August 1997, p. 34, no. 1 (illustrated in color, p. 35).
St. Louis, Mildred Lane Kemper Art Museum, Washington University and Washington, D.C., The Phillips Collection,Georges Braque and the Cubist Still Life, 1928-1945, January-September 2013, p. 229 (illustrated in color, pl. 30).
Georges Braque with Jean Paulhan (left) in the artist’s studio, Paris, July 1943. Photo: © Pierre Jahan / Roger-Viollet. Artwork: © 2016 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris.
Note: Active in the Resistance during the Second World War, the poet Francis Ponge moved clandestinely from house to house, to evade the dreaded Nazi Gestapo and agents of the collaborationist Vichy regime. Among the few things he carried on him was a small illustration of Georges Braque’s Mandoline à la partition, which he cut from an inexpensive art book (probably G. Besson, op. cit., 1942, pl. 20). Braque painted this still-life earlier in the war, about a year into the Occupation.
The picture struck a chord in Ponge, who would tack the worn color image to the wall wherever he was staying, “a little like my flags,” he later wrote, as a reminder of his “reasons for living (and struggling).” The artist’s colors caught his eye and raised his spirits, “very bold but properly arranged in their tonalities, which included a particularly subversive mauve... It haunts me still. That was why I could go on living. Happily. That was the society (of friends) I was fighting for...” (“Braque, or the Meditation of the Work,” in op. cit., 1971, p. 48).
Mandoline à la partition, then known to Ponge as Le Banjo, is among the most formally ambitious and richly colored compositions that Braque created during the war years. The brilliant vermillion hue of the table-cloth, ablaze like plunging molten lava against the mysterious, darker mauve tints in the background, sets this painting apart from the more somber, earthen-toned still-lifes that Braque typically painted during this trying period of shortage, privation, and menace.
This sanguine color may allude to events of the day, but Braque often incorporated such startling effects of chromatic contrast in the magnificent still-life compositions that he painted during the late 1930s. “At the time of the outbreak of the Second World War [September 1939] Braque was at the zenith of his maturity and had attained international recognition as one of the greatest living French artists,” John Golding declared. “The still-lifes executed in the second half of the 1930s are among the fullest and most sumptuous in the entire French canon. Braque was enlarging his iconographic range by producing a series of interiors furnished with still-lifes, many of which refer to attributes of the painter’s studio” (op., cit., exh. cat., 1997, p. 1).
Just as Braque, together with his friend Picasso, had been mining the possibilities of high Cubism in its newer synthetic phase at the beginning of the First World War, so in 1940 Braque arrived–again in wartime–at an momentously productive juncture in his career, during which he summed up and further enriched the distinctive character he had brought to his art during the intervening years. These new paintings are profoundly subtle, delicately nuanced, luminescent, and crystalline, qualities which lend a singular and unmistakably French voice to modernism in the arts during the 20th century. These elaborate compositions are, in their way, the consummate synthetic cubist paintings that Braque’s front-line service in the Great War of 1914, and the consequences from the serious head wound he suffered at Carency in 1915, did not allow him to paint at that time.
Georges Braque, L’atelier au vase noir, 1938. The Kreeger Museum, Washington, D.C.© 2016 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris.
As if to counter the grim reality all around, Braque imbued Mandoline à la partition with memories and perhaps the anticipation of pleasurable domestic music-making. The body of the instrument emblematically resembles a heart at the center of the composition. Braque possessed a highly refined and knowledgeable interest in music, and was drawn especially to the French composers of the early 18th century–Couperin and Rameau chief among them–whose baroque manner was a rare, connoisseur’s taste during the first half of the 20th century. The musician Braque esteemed above all others, however, was Johann Sebastian Bach, whose name he inscribed in homage on a cubist painting (cat. rais., Le Cubisme, 1907-1914, no. 122) and inserted into three papiers collés (nos. 165, 166b and 199), executed in 1912-1913.
The theme of music, in the shape of a mandolin or violin, and the stave lines for musical notation, was elsewhere a recurring idea during Braque’s and Picasso’s high cubist period. Some three decades later, the elaborate overlays of interior decoration in Mandoline à la partition, especially along the left edge of the canvas, similarly resonate in their baroque complexity, akin to the contrapuntal lines in early 18th century music. As antecedents for the presence of music in the painter’s studio, Braque admired the interiors of Vermeer, and Corot as well, for the latter’s young gypsy girls with mandolins and the occasional use of this instrument as a prop in his atelier series. Every still-life Braque ever painted, of course, is a homage to Chardin, the founder of this pictorial tradition in France, also a contemporary of the Enlightenment composers whose music Braque loved.
A measured simplicity, clarity of articulation, and a serene, natural sense of presence had been the hallmarks of Braque’s still-life painting during the inter-war period. Jean Paulhan noted that the artist had been known as “the master of concrete relations.” In the paintings created during the period leading to the Second World War, however, as indeed in Mandoline à la partition as well, a new tendency became apparent–Paulhan added, “I would readily call him the master of invisible relations” (in “Braque le patron,” exh. cat., op. cit., 2013, p. 215).
“What is clear from these series of the late ‘30s is that Braque’s work was growing cryptically personal,” Edward Mullins explained. “It was also becoming less literal in its presentation of material things. Braque’s world had always been one of objects, in particular objects close enough to touch. Henceforth, a metaphysical note was to sound increasingly loud in Braque’s painting; for the first time images appear which either have no material existence, or else they have become detached sufficiently from that material role to introduce ideas that dwell outside the physical boundaries of Braque’s theme... The introduction during the late ‘30s of this metaphysical element into Braque’s material world ranks as the second momentous innovation of his career (the first being his contribution to Cubism) and it paves the way for that series of noble and mysterious still-lifes, in some respects the summit of Braque’s achievements, the [post-war] Studio series” (Braque, London, 1968, pp. 135-136).
Georges Braque, L’atelier (Vase devant une fenêtre), 1939. The Walter H. and Leonore Annenberg Collection, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. © 2016 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris.
Braque did not stand aloof from the devastating defeat that his country suffered in 1940 at the hands of the German invaders, and he endured the anxieties and privations that beset many of his fellow countrymen during the Occupation. Before the war he had presciently declared, "The artist is always under threat... One cannot separate him from other men. He lives on the same level as everyone else" (Cahiers d'Art, 1-4, 1939, p. 66). His response to this dire situation was to immerse himself in his art and to focus on the most elementary nature of things, to take comfort in those objects that were most familiar and meaningful to him in the routine of daily living. In a time when life was especially fragile and nothing about one’s existence could be taken for granted, with mere survival at stake, this was a heroic quest for a man, just one among many, who resolved to "suffer without being militant" (ibid.).
As the German Blitzkrieg overwhelmed French defenses in May-June 1940, Braque and his wife Marcelle took refuge near the Pyrenees, and briefly considered that they might join other artists who were making arrangements to go into foreign exile. Concerned, however, that in his absence the Germans would commandeer his house and ransack his studio, he decided to return to Paris and take his chances. The occupiers did in fact turn a building across the street into a headquarters, and had broken into Braque’s home, but they stole only his cherished concertina. It proved difficult for him to paint during this time. The artist normally completed 30-40 paintings per year, but he created only nine in 1939-1940, while turning to sculpture instead. He resumed painting in earnest during 1941, finishing nearly forty pictures, and slightly more the following year 1942.
The Germans had forbidden Picasso, primarily because of the artist’s anti-fascist Guernica, to exhibit publicly. They had classed Braque, for his early Fauve and cubist work, as a “degenerate” artist, and could have proscribed his activity as a painter in various ways. Jean Paulhan, the pre-war leftist editor of the influential Nouvelle Revue Française, had been working on his book Braque el patron (op. cit.) since 1940. He prevailed upon Drieu de la Rochelle, his pro-Nazi replacement at the NRF, to publish an article praising the commendably French formal values in Braque’s painting during the inter-war period. The Occupation authorities did not disturb Braque in his work, and even allowed him to exhibit. A show of twelve paintings dating from 1908-1910 was held at the Galerie de France in May-June 1943. Later that year, a room was devoted to Braque’s recent work at the Salon d’Automne, in which the artist showed 26 paintings and nine sculptures.
Georges Braque, Grand intérieur a la palette, 1942. The Menil Collection, Houston. © 2016 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris.
“In Occupied Paris the contents of the Braque room caused a suppressed sensation,” Danchev has written. “For French citizens, Braque embodied what French painting could be. For French painters, Braque embodied what painting could be... As for the works themselves, their gravity and humanity were an inspiration. The younger generation–Marc Louttre Bissière, Jean Deyrolle, Nicolas de Staël, many others–needed no instruction from Paulhan. Braque was their patron, naturally. Paulhan’s exact verdict, that Braque’s painting was at once ‘acute and nourishing,’ was loaded with meaning for a public starved of everything from sausages to self-respect” (op. cit., 2005, p. 219).
Braque's enriched sense of realism, his return to things, now inspired him to delve into and reveal the very essence of ordinary objects, as both plastic and substantial form. The stuff of everyday living manifests in his paintings a resplendent fullness of presence and significance that transcends mere function and physical appearance. He carried his wartime research forward into his painting after the Liberation, as seen in the series of Billiard tables and thereafter the magisterial Ateliers of the late 1940s and early 50s, the crowning achievement of his career, in which a profusion of ordinary objects co-exist in a state of symbiotic transformation and metamorphosis. “When one attains this harmony,” Braque explained, “one reaches a sort of intellectual non-existence–what I can only describe as a state of peace–which makes everything possible and right. Life then becomes a perpetual revelation. That is true poetry" (quoted in J. Richardson, Georges Braque, Harmondsworth, 1959, p. 26).
“Braque was not only consistently creative and original as an artist"—Douglas Cooper wrote—“but also, in my opinion the most consummate pure painter of the School of Paris, a great artist who modernized and enormously enriched the French tradition of painting... Braque’s was not a showy personality...his painting was never provocative or sensational and always deeply serious...he pursued to the end his own vision of the world and his own conceptions of picture-making, unswayed by the methods of others” (Braque: The Great Years, exh. cat., The Art Institute of Chicago, 1972, p. 26).
Lot 20C. Henri Matisse (1869-1954), Nu couché III, signed with initials and numbered 'HM 2/10' (on the back of the right elbow); stamped with foundry mark 'C. VALSUANI CIRE PERDUE' (on the back), bronze with dark brown patina. Length: 18 in. (45.8 cm.). Conceived in Nice in 1929 and cast in 1931. Estimate: $1,000,000 – $1,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Estate of the artist.
Frank Perls, Beverly Hills.
Acquired by the family of the present owners, 1972.
Property from the Ducommun family collection
Charles and Palmer Ducommun in 1949 boarding Pan American Airways Flight 2 to London on the frst leg of their African honeymoon. Photographer unknown, courtesy of the family.
Charles and Palmer Ducommun are remembered as two of Los Angeles’s most prominent civic and cultural leaders, and as icons of twentieth-century California style. Boldly creative in business and philanthropy, the Ducommuns’ legacy is embodied in an exemplary collection of masterworks by some of the great names of the historical art canon.
A lifelong resident of Los Angeles, Charles Ducommun was the grandson of Charles Louis Ducommun, a Swiss émigré and watchmaker whose Gold Rush-era general store evolved from its 1849 beginnings to become a global provider of manufacturing and engineering services within the aerospace industry. A graduate of Stanford University and the Harvard Business School, Ducommun joined the next generation Ducommun Metals & Supply Company in the late 1930s, taking leave to serve in the United States Navy during World War II and afterward in the Navy Reserve. Remarkable growth and expansion, signified by its 1946 public offering and listing on the American Stock Exchange, defined the collector’s thirty-year leadership of what in 1962 became Ducommun Incorporated and which today is recognized as California’s oldest ongoing business.
In recognition of his stature in the American business community, Mr. Ducommun served on the boards of directors of the Lockheed Aircraft Company, Security Pacific Bank, Pacific Telephone, and the Dillingham Corporation. He also assumed leadership roles within a number of civic, non-profit, and political organizations, participating as a senior member of the California delegation at several Republican National conventions. And committed to enhancing the quality of higher education (and passionately loyal to his schools), he served as a trustee of both Stanford University and Harvey Mudd College, and as a member of the Visiting Committee of the Harvard Business School.
Charles Ducommun found a spirited partner in the fiercely intelligent and creative Palmer Gross, a woman of great charm, elegance, and extraordinary flair who was known for her keen eye and penetrating instinct, and indeed for her love of the visual arts. A graduate of Sarah Lawrence College, Palmer Ducommun was the daughter of Robert and Mary Gross, both Boston born and he an art collector and entrepreneur whose foresight inspired the purchase and revival of the 1932 bankrupt Lockheed Aircraft Company which he led for the next thirty years. The young Palmer was greatly influenced by the work of her father, a man whose appreciation of aesthetics began to characterize the qualities of design that today still contribute to the distinction of the American aerospace industry.
After marrying in 1949, the Ducommuns established a reputation as arbiters of Los Angeles style and fine taste. The interiors of their Bel Air home, devised by the wildly creative Tony Duquette, are counted amongst the designer’s greatest achievements. Palmer Ducommun and Duquette were great friends, she entrusting him to create a vision of “amethysts, malachite greens, fire reds, and white” that would be the vibrant backdrop for works by Georges Braque, Alexander Calder, Henri Matisse, Henry Moore, Paul Klee, Gustave Courbet, and lesser known artists who had caught her eye. Indeed, the Ducommun residences in Los Angeles and Palm Desert were ‘canvases’ for the colla-borative artistry of Duquette and Palmer Ducommun who both were known for lively entertaining. Mr. Ducommun and Duquette’s wife, Beegle, happily joined in as “willing accomplices” to their spouses’ love of creativity and highly animated life.
The Ducommuns were unwavering supporters of cultural institutions, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in particular where Charles Ducommun was a founding trustee, serving in leadership positions during much of his professional life. The couple’s guidance and financial support helped the museum grow to become one of the nation’s foremost repositories for fine art, honoring their longstanding commitment with the installation of the Charles and Palmer Ducommun Gallery. The Ducommuns’ unflagging support of the arts extended to other institutions as well, including the Los Angeles Civic Light Opera Association, the Los Angeles Bicentennial Art Competition, and the UCLA Art Council. In addition (and in tandem with Robert and Mary Gross), they provided significant support to the fine art programs at Stanford University and also at Sarah Lawrence College where Mrs. Ducommun had been a trustee. Mr. Ducommun established the Palmer Gross Ducommun Fund for Fine Art at both Sarah Lawrence and at Stanford’s Cantor Center for the Visual Arts following her death in 1987.
From the indelibly daring interiors of their California residences to the inspiring collection of fine art that bears their name, Charles and Palmer Ducommun were enthralled with creativity and distinctive elegance. Their prodigious generosity in support of Los Angeles’ expanding artistic landscape indeed cast them in a national light as paragons of twentieth-century philanthropy and sponsors of the arts.
Literature: A.E. Elsen, The Sculpture of Henri Matisse, New York, 1972, pp. 155-159, nos. 211-214 (another cast illustrated).
P. Schneider, intro., Matisse, London, 1984, p. 557 (another cast illustrated).
C. Duthuit, Henri Matisse: Catalogue raisonné de l'oeuvre sculpté, Paris, 1997, p. 204, no. 71 (another cast illustrated, p. 205).
Note: Modeled in 1929, Nu couché III is the final sculpture in Matisse’s series of three figures in the recumbent pose of an odalisque, which he created at the beginning and end of a period lasting just over two decades. This classic pose first appeared in Matisse's iconography during the high summer of his Fauve period, in the Arcadian painting Le bonheur de vivre, 1905-1906 (Barnes Foundation, Philadelphia). In the following year Matisse modeled the subversively angularNu couché I (Aurore) (Duthuit, no. 30), while at the same time he painted Nu bleu: Souvenir de Biskra (Cone Collection, Baltimore Museum of Art), initiating an ongoing dialogue between sculpture and painting that would repeatedly energize the progress of his work and guide the evolving direction of his art.
At the time he created Nu couché II in 1927 (Duthuit, no. 69; sold, Christie’s New York, 12 November 2015, lot 4C), Matisse was nearing the end of the first decade of his Nice period, during which the odalisque–a reverie of feminine sensuality, set amid sumptuous surroundings–became the idée fixe that dominated his art. The present Nu couché IIIfollowed in 1929. Concurrent with both figures is Grand nu assis (Duthuit, no. 64), Matisse’s definitive statement of the seated nude, widely regarded to be the artist's masterpiece of this decade in any and all media. Nu couché III nonetheless stands forth among these sculptures as the usefully prescient figure that Matisse created during this period—Janus-like it reflects on the decade that has passed, while anticipating the more abstract conception of his works to come during the 1930s.
“I took to clay in order to rest from painting, in which I had done absolutely everything I could for the moment,” Matisse explained to Pierre Courthion in 1941. “It was to put my sensations in order and look for a method that really suited me. When I’d found it in sculpture, I used it for painting" (S. Guilbert, ed., Chatting with Henri Matisse: The Lost 1941 Interview, Los Angeles, 2013, pp. 84-85). Frustrated at feeling blocked in his painting, in 1929 the artist turned instead to print-making and sculpture. He resumed work on several clay models in progress: the Grand nu assis, the large head Henriette III (Duthuit, no. 75), and the present Nu couché III. After completing these sculptures, he returned to Paris and took up the monumental Nu de dos, 4e état (Back IV), bringing it to conclusion in late 1929 or early 1930 (Duthuit, no. 76).
Michael Mezzatesta observed in Matisse’s sculpture an "oscillation in these years between the voluptuous and the tectonic...a balance between the sensual and the structural" (Henri Matisse, Sculptor, Painter, exh. cat., Kimball Art Museum, Fort Worth, 1984, p. 124). In contrast to the expressively rough, bulky modeling seen in Nu couché II, Oliver Shell noted that the present figure "is far smoother, more 'voluptuous,' and decidedly streamlined... On the whole, Matisse's surfaces undergo a general simplification and smoothing during this period" (Matisse: Painter as Sculptor, exh. cat., Dallas Museum of Art, 2007, p. 226).
Henri Matisse, Grand nu couché (Nu rose), 1935. Cone Collection, Baltimore Museum of Art. © 2016 Succession H. Matisse / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York
Having gathered in his vintage harvest of sculptures, Matisse in late February 1930 sailed halfway around the world to experience the tropical light in Tahiti. Following his return to Nice, he executed in 1931 the Danse murals for The Barnes Foundation. It was not until 1935 that Matisse again attended to easel painting on a regular basis; he then completed Grand nu couché (Nu rose), his masterpiece of the thirties. Having dispensed with the naturalistic treatment he typically accorded his odalisques during the previous decade, he instead translated to this painting the freely intuitive, fluid sense of form he had developed six years earlier in Nu couché III. From his sculpture Matisse had come up with the solution for his painting, a process that allowed him–using his words–to order his sensations and find the method that suited him.
Leading a selection of several works by Pierre Auguste Renoir (1841-1919), Madame de Galéà, la méridienne painted in 1912 (estimate: $8,000,000-12,000,000) is a sumptuously clad and bejeweled Madeleine de Galéa, the great love of the legendary modern pictures dealer Ambroise Vollard. This is one of the largest paintings from Renoir’s late career and has been in a private collection since 1984. Two further works by the artist from The MGM Resorts International Collection include Femme en bleu, painted in 1909 (estimate:$1,000,000-1,500,000), and La Balayeuse, painted in 1889 (estimate: $1,000,000-1,500,000).
Lot 31C. Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919), Madame de Galéa à la méridienne, signed and dated 'Renoir.1912.' (lower left), oil on canvas, 45 x 63 7/8 in. (114.3 x 162.4 cm). Painted in Nice, 1912. Estimate: $8,000,000 – $12,000,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Madeleine de Galéa, Paris (acquired from the artist).
Ambroise Vollard, Paris (acquired from the above, 5 February 1925).
Madeleine de Galéa, Paris (bequeathed from the above, 1939).
Christian de Galéa, Paris (by descent from the above).
Galerie Daniel Malingue, Paris.
Galerie Nichido, Tokyo (acquired from the above).
Acquired from the above by the present owner, March 1984.
Literature: A. Vollard, Tableaux, pastels et dessins de Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Paris, 1918, vol. 1, p. 156, no. 614 (illustrated).
A. Vollard, La vie & l'oeuvre de Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Paris, 1919, p. 212, no. 44 (illustrated; titled Portrait de Mme de Galéa).
A. Vollard, Renoir: An Intimate Record, New York, 1925, p. 246.
T. Duret, Renoir, Paris, 1924, p. 108 (illustrated, pl. 40; titled Portrait de Mme de Galéa).
J. Meier-Graefe, Renoir, Leipzig, 1929, pp. 349 and 447 (illustrated, no. 373).
M. Drucker, Renoir, Paris, 1944, pp. 97 and 214 (illustrated, pl. 149; titled Portrait de Madame de Galéa).
A. and L. Chamson, Renoir, Lausanne, 1949 (illustrated, pl. 52).
C.B. Bailey, Renoir's Portraits: Impressions of an Age, exh. cat., National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 1997, p. 4 (illustrated, fig. 5).
J. Renoir, Renoir, My Father, New York, 2001, pp. 379-380.
R.A. Rabinow, ed., Cézanne to Picasso: Ambroise Vollard, Patron of the Avant-Garde, exh. cat., The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2006, pp. 19 and 292 (illustrated, fig. 22).
G.-P. and M. Dauberville, Renoir: Catalogue raisonné des tableaux, pastels, dessins et aquarelles, 1911-1919, Paris, 2014, vol. V, p. 254, no. 4062 (illustrated, p. 255).
Exhibited: Paris, Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Portraits par Renoir, June 1912, no. 47.
Paris, Galerie Charpentier, Chefs-d'oeuvre de collections françaises, summer 1962, no. 73 (illustrated).
Tokyo, Isetan Art Museum and Kyoto, Municipal Museum, Renoir, September-December 1979, no. 79.
Renoir and Madame de Galéa in the studio at Cagnes, 1912. Photo: © RMN-Grand Palais / Art Resource, NY.
Notes: The sumptuously clad and bejeweled young woman who reclines on a rococo settee in this exquisite portrait–one of the very largest of Renoir’s late career–is Madeleine de Galéa, the long-time paramour of the now-legendary modern pictures dealer Ambroise Vollard. Her blue satin gown slips down slightly to reveal the creamy skin of one shoulder, her gold lace fan rests coquettishly in her lap, and she meets the viewer’s gaze with poise and assurance. On her head she wears a beaded diadem crowned with a single white plume, likening her to the showy and exotic crane in the imaginary landscape on the rear wall of the scene. Although the portrait required more than fifty sittings in exceptionally hot weather, Renoir took great visceral joy in it, lavishing attention on the myriad textures and gilded surfaces that catch the light. “I pay dearly for the pleasure I get for this canvas,” he proclaimed, “but it is so satisfying to give in entirely to the sheer pleasure of painting” (quoted in A. Vollard, Renoir: An Intimate Record, Mineola, New York, 1990, p. 113).
The shrewd and energetic Vollard, who arranged for Madame de Galéa to sit for Renoir, was a key figure in the final decades of the artist’s life. When the two met in 1894, the painter was at the pinnacle of his career. Two years earlier, the French State had purchased his Jeunes filles au piano for the Musée du Luxembourg, a mark of official respect and recognition that Renoir viewed as one of his crowning achievements. Vollard, in contrast, was just starting out. He arrived in Paris with a passion for art but few contacts or credentials and opened a small shop on the rue Laffitte in 1893. When he first called on Renoir in Montmartre the next year, the maid Gabrielle mistook him for a shabbily dressed rug-peddler and nearly turned him away; Renoir, however, had heard of the upstart dealer from Morisot and invited him in for some grape tart. When Vollard’s first public exhibition opened a few weeks later, Renoir bought two Manet watercolors; in 1895, he began to give Vollard works of his own to sell.
Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Odalisque (Une femme d’Alger), 1870. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
During the ensuing decade, as Vollard rose to prominence as a major dealer for the avant-garde, Renoir forged the most lasting bond with him of all the Impressionists. The dealer was one of Renoir’s most ardent admirers until the very end, frequently visiting him in the south of France after he moved there in 1908 and acting as an indispensable link with the Paris art world. Renoir in turn held his trusted agent and eventual biographer in great affection, although that did not stop him from poking gentle fun at his quirks. “While Renoir came to admire Vollard’s intensity and ardor, in his personal relationship with the young man he allowed himself a license that would have been unthinkable in his more formal dealings with the Durand-Ruels. ‘The glutton Vollard’ [as Renoir sometimes called him] played banker, nursemaid, and shop-boy to the aging painter,” Colin Bailey has written (op. cit., 1997, p. 238).
Madame de Galéa, the subject of the present portrait, was by all accounts the great love of Vollard’s unconventional and adventurous life. Both were born and raised on remote, French-speaking islands off eastern Madagascar–he on Réunion, an overseas department of France, and she on nearby Mauritius, a former French colony. Born Madeleine Moreau, this dark-haired beauty married the French businessman Edmond de Galéa and had one son Robert; widowed young, she then developed an enduring, intimate friendship with Vollard, himself a lifelong bachelor. “All his life he was in love with a woman for whom he did everything possible,” his friend Marie Dormoy recalled, “saving himself entirely for her, but who never consented to marry him” (Souvenirs et portraits d’amis, Paris, 1963; quoted in R. Rabinow, op. cit., 2006, p. 27, note 114). When Vollard died in 1939, he left half of his sizable estate to his brother Lucien and the other half, including scores of paintings, to Madame de Galéa and her son.
Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Ambroise Vollard en toréador, 1917. Nippon Television Network Corporation, Tokyo.
Madame de Galéa sat for the present portrait in January-February 1912 during a visit with Vollard to Les Collettes, the sprawling house in the hills outside Cagnes where Renoir lived from 1908 until 1919. “Her beauty and distinction were obvious,” the artist’s son Jean later recalled, “and Renoir was enormously pleased to paint her.” She put the entire family in mind of the Empress Josephine, first wife of Napoleon I, who was also of Créole descent. “Among the gowns provided for his model, Renoir chose a long shimmering one,” Jean continued, “which left the shoulders and bosom exposed. An aigrette, a few jewels in the hair and a sparkling collar completed the effect of ‘would-be Empire’” (op. cit., 1958, p. 379). A remarkable photograph of Madame de Galéa posing for the portrait reveals the care that Renoir took in rendering this costume, transcribing with an almost documentary precision the velvet trim and decorative beading at the neckline, the diaphanous gold-embroidered overlay, and the long, pooling folds of the skirt.
The setting for the portrait, in contrast, is in large part a fiction, which Renoir has imaginatively devised to heighten the impression of sensuousness and luxury. The photograph shows Madame de Galéa posing on a plain bench, surrounded by a makeshift wooden canopy from which lengths of fabric could be hung–a stage-like space that was both part of reality and set apart from it, of the same sort that Matisse would later construct in Nice. In Renoir’s finished canvas, however, the bench has become a sleigh-shaped mahogany sofa with elaborate gold ornament–according to Jean Renoir, an actual prop (“very new and very gilded”) that Vollard had delivered to Les Collettes for the occasion direct from the Faubourg Saint-Antoine (ibid.). The background is now a crimson-colored wall with molded wainscoting, set off against a billowing gold curtain, and most conspicuously, Renoir has added behind Madame de Galéa a large framed landscape–a painting within a painting, with no counterpart in the artist’s actual oeuvre–that describes a lush, meridional paradise, complete with a long-legged crane. “One must embellish,” he famously advised Bonnard (Renoir, exh. cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1985, p. 278).
Edouard Manet, La dame aux éventails, 1873-1874. Musée d’Orsay, Paris.
“Working with models upon a stage–with anchors in physical reality firmly fixed before his eyes–Renoir was able to break with reality, to create a world that could exist only in the studio and in his paintings,” Claudia Einecke has explained. “Paradoxically, it is precisely the material triggers of Renoir’s late costume pictures–the real models, the real furniture, the real costumes–that sent his imagined world to another register, one that is neither pure reality nor pure imagination, but the hybrid he described as his goal. In their dual nature as both representation and construct, these paintings offer a world that is particular unto itself. A world that only belongs to art” (Renoir in the 20th Century, exh. cat., Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 2009, p. 67).
The semi-reclining pose that Madame de Galéa has adopted for her portrait–one elbow propped on a pillow and the other resting in her lap, her knees demurely bent and feet peeking out beneath her skirt–harks back explicitly to David’s painting of Madame Récamier, a famous beauty of the early Napoleonic era (1800; Musée du Louvre). In overall effect, however, Renoir’s effusive pageantry of color and texture could not be more different from David’s spare, neo-classical aesthetic. Indeed, the flamboyant plumed headdress that Madame de Galéa wears, in addition to creating an Empire-style flair, lends the scene a loosely Orientalist character, which Renoir may have intended to underscore his sitter’s exotic island origins. The same note of “otherness” appears as well in two portraits that Renoir painted of Vollard, one depicting him as a youthful vagabond in a headscarf and the other as a Spanish toreador (Dauberville, nos. 3388 and 4265; Petit Palais, Paris, and Nippon Corporation, Tokyo).
Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Tilla Durieux, 1914. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Under Renoir’s caressing brush, these heterogeneous elements of Madame de Galéa’s portrait come together into one masterfully integrated pictorial vision. White highlights play across all the sumptuous surfaces, warm and cool tones are subtly paired, and the handling is soft and fluid throughout. “In pictures like this,” John House has concluded, “the rhymes and echoes between the objects create a series of metaphorical associations; no one object is simply equated with another, but all become part of a single chain of connections, and all celebrate a set of interrelated values: the physical splendor of young women; the richness of materials and gilded surfaces; the lavishness of flowers. Painting becomes a vehicle for suggesting the correspondence of the senses, and in this fantasy of an old man the elements all combine to express youth, growth, beauty, and color–the vision of an earthly paradise” (exh. cat., op. cit., 1985, p. 290).
In 1915, Renoir painted a smaller, second portrait of Madame de Galéa, shown half-length in an armchair, wearing in a pink day dress adorned with a rose. He began an elaborate painted frame of flowers, garlands, and putti for this later portrait, but never finished it; it was subsequently cut into numerous separate sections (Dauberville, nos. 4193, 4058-4059).
Lot 42C. Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919), Femme en bleu, signed 'Renoir.' (lower left), oil on canvas, 16 ¾ x 14 in. (42.5 x 35.6 cm). Painted in Paris, 1909. Estimate: $1,000,000 – $1,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Maurice Gangnat, Paris; sale, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, 24-25 June 1925, lot 125.
R.D. Brown, Paris (acquired at the above sale).
Lillian Leff, New York.
Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas (May 1999).
Acquired from the above by the present owner.
Property from the MGM Resorts International (MGMRI) Fine Art Collection
Literature: G.-P. and M. Dauberville, Renoir: Catalogue raisonné des tableaux, pastels, dessins et aquarelles, Paris, 2012, vol. IV, p. 318, no. 3228 (illustrated).
Exhibited: Las Vegas, Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Figuratively Speaking: A Survey of the Human Form, May–March 2011.
Notes: This painting will be included in the forthcoming catalogue critique of Pierre-Auguste Renoir being prepared by the Wildenstein Institute established from the archives of François Daulte, Durand-Ruel, Venturi, Vollard and Wildenstein.
Femme en bleu depicts a young woman, ginger-haired and rosy-cheeked, wearing an extravagant hat adorned with a billowing cascade of white plumes. Her dress is a lustrous, pale blue silk with a high neck, gold trim, and voluminous sleeves; opalescent touches of white play across the fabric as it catches the light, echoing the feathery ornament of the hat and the strand of pearls at her neck. Since his earliest career, one of Renoir’s favorite themes had been the visual pageantry of the everyday world, made manifest in young women clad in “beautiful fabrics, shimmering silks, sparkling diamonds–though the thought of adorning myself with them is horrifying!” (quoted in Renoir, exh. cat., Kunsthalle, Tübingen, 1996, p. 204). Here, the model’s opulent costume, set off prominently against the dark ground, becomes the veritable protagonist of the painting. “The hats seem to be as much the focus of attention as the women who wear them,” John House has written. “It seems that the extravagant, cursive forms of these hats and the elaborate decorations on them acted as some sort of fetishistic substitute for the bodies of the women who were wearing them” (Renoir in the Barnes Foundation, New Haven, 2012, p. 245).
The model for this alluring scene was Georgette Pigeot, a vivacious dressmaker who posed frequently for Renoir in 1909-1910 at Les Collettes, his home in Cagnes (see also Dauberville, no. 3241; sold, Christie’s, New York, 8 November 2006, lot 13). She is best remembered as the model for the mural-sized Danseuse au tambourin, one of two panels depicting young women in Orientalized dress that the artist painted on commission for the dining room of Maurice Gangnat, the single most important collector of his late work and the first owner of the present canvas as well (Dauberville, no. 3251; National Gallery, London). “She was a lovely blonde, with fair skin and a very Parisian look about her,” the artist’s son Jean recalled of Georgette. “To my father’s great delight, she sang all the time, and kept him up-to-date on all the latest songs in the café concerts” (Renoir: My Father, New York, 1958, p. 349).
Unlike many of Renoir’s paintings of hired models from this period, which depict their attractive young sitters in classicizing or vaguely exotic garb, Georgette is shown here in fashionable contemporary dress, perhaps reflecting the artist’s renewed interest in formal society portraiture between 1908 and 1914. The red velvet settee evokes a sumptuous bourgeois interior of the sort that his well-heeled portrait clients inhabited, while the high-necked, blue gown is similar to one that the famously elegant Suzanne Bernheim would wear the next year when Renoir painted a double portrait of her and her husband Gaston (Dauberville, no. 3143; Musée d’Orsay, Paris).
Femme en bleu caught the eye of Maurice Gangnat during one of his frequent visits to Cagnes, probably soon after Renoir painted it. An engineer and steel tycoon, newly retired, Gangnat had met Renoir through Paul Gallimard in 1904, and the artist’s recent work quickly became his abiding passion. Over the course of the next two decades, he amassed an extraordinary collection of more than 150 paintings by the artist, all dated after 1905. Renoir, although generally reserved, welcomed Gangnat’s enthusiasm, and the two became trusted friends. “Our most faithful visitors were Albert André and Maurice Gangnat,” Jean Renoir recalled. “That great bourgeois gentleman was carrying on the tradition of old Chocquet. His feeling for painting was astounding. Whenever he entered the studio, his gaze always fell immediately on the canvas Renoir considered his best. ‘He has an eye for it!’ my father declared” (ibid., p. 424).
Lot 50C. Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919), La Balayeuse, signed and indistinctly dated 'Renoir 89' (lower right), oil on canvas, 25 5/8 x 18 3/8 in. (65.1 x 46.7 cm). Painted in 1889. Estimate: $1,000,000 – $1,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2016.
Provenance: Estate of Alfred Sisley, Paris (gift from the artist); Estate sale, Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 1 May 1899, lot 70.
Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paris (acquired at the above sale).
Prince de Wagram, Paris.
Galerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie., Paris (acquired from the above, 24 November 1905).
Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paris.
Mme de La Chapelle, Paris (acquired from the above, 9 July 1937).
Didier Imbert Fine Art, Paris.
Private collection (acquired from the above, 1987); sale, Sotheby’s, New York, 11 May 1999, lot 127.
Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas (acquired at the above sale).
Acquired from the above by the present owner.
Property from the MGM Resorts International (MGMRI) Fine Art Collection
Literature: Bernheim-Jeune, ed., Bulletin de la vie artistique, 15 April 1925 (illustrated).
M. Florisoone, Renoir, Paris, 1937 (illustrated, pl. 99; titled The Servant).
F. Daulte, Auguste Renoir: Catalogue raisonné de l’oeuvre peint, Figures, Lausanne, 1971, vol. 1, no. 563 (illustrated; with incorrect provenance).
G.-P. and M. Dauberville, Renoir: Catalogue raisonné des tableaux, pastels, dessins et aquarelles, Paris, 2009, vol. II, pp. 266-267, no. 1109 (illustrated, p. 267).
Exhibited: Paris, Galerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie., Renoir, January-February 1900, no. 56 (titled La Petite balayeuse).
Paris, Galerie Braun & Cie., Renoir, November-December 1932, p. 13, no. 11 (illustrated; titled La Servante and dated 1898).
Las Vegas, Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Figuratively Speaking: A Survey of Human Form, May-March 2011.
Notes: This work will be included in the forthcoming catalogue critique of Pierre-Auguste Renoir being prepared by the Wildenstein Institute established from the archives of François Daulte, Durand-Ruel, Venturi, Vollard and Wildenstein.
In 1889, when Renoir painted this hushed, intimate scene of a pretty country girl absorbed in her sweeping, he was in the midst of an important period of artistic reassessment and renewal. Two years earlier, he had exhibited Les grandes baigneuses, a veritable manifesto of the hard-edged, Ingresque manner that he had assiduously cultivated since 1884 (Dauberville, no. 1292; Philadelphia Museum of Art). Confident that he had brought this linear style to its pinnacle–and simultaneously disheartened that this monumental painting, in which he had invested so much, had met with a largely hostile response–Renoir embarked on a new path almost as soon as the exhibition closed. “I have taken up again, never to abandon it, my old style, soft and light of touch,” he explained to his dealer Durand-Ruel (quoted inRenoir, exh. cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1985, p. 254).
After toiling away in Paris throughout the mid-1880s, Renoir now began to travel extensively in the French countryside, applying his exquisitely soft new manner to the depiction of a gentle, almost idyllic vision of rural life. “It’s only if my means won’t allow it that I will shut myself up in the stuffy studio,” he wrote to Eugène Manet (quoted in B.E. White, Renoir: His Life, Art, and Letters, New York, 1984, p. 188). In addition to a long series of modern-dayfêtes champêtres, which show young bourgeois women enjoying the pleasures of the countryside, he painted peasants at work and at rest–washerwomen on the banks of the river, grape pickers breaking from the harvest, girls carrying baskets of oranges and fish to market, a young farm worker holding a scythe by her side. Unique in this genre for its interior setting, La Balayeuse represents Renoir’s definitive statement on the theme of domestic labor, presented here as healthy, clean, and comfortable work.
Renoir most likely painted this tranquil scene in the summer of 1889, which he spent near Aix-en-Provence in a house that he rented from Cézanne’s brother-in-law. The model is his longtime companion Aline Charigot, the mother of his young son Pierre, whom he has depicted as a wholesome country girl with a hearty, robust physique and tendrils of dark hair escaping from a simple chignon. The rustic interior appears quiet and well-ordered, with whitewashed walls, earthen-colored flooring, and a single ceramic jug awaiting use in the corner. The palette is warm and muted, with Aline’s pink apron providing a focal point; light enters from the left, falling onto her porcelain skin and white blouse. Turned in profile, her head slightly bowed, she appears intent on her light housework and unaware of the viewer’s presence, lending the image a sense of self-contained intimacy.
Although the theme of a woman sweeping has precedent in Millet, who had been given a major retrospective in Paris in 1887, Renoir’s Balayeuse suggests none of the back-breaking labor that characterizes the Barbizon master’s peasant imagery. In its sense of harmony and ease, the painting is closer to Pissarro’s rural subjects–in particular, La petite bonne de campagne, 1882–but it lacks their subtly anarchist implications (Pissarro and Durand-Ruel Snollaerts, no. 681; Tate, London). The best comparison, perhaps, is not an explicitly rural scene at all, but instead Vermeer’s exquisiteLacemaker, which similarly creates a poetry of silence; Renoir is said to have considered this canvas, along with Watteau’s Embarkation for Cythera, one of the two most beautiful paintings in the world (1669-1670; Musée du Louvre, Paris).