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Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), La Lettre (La Réponse), 16 April 1923

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Lot 64A. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), La Lettre (La Réponse), signed and dated ‘Picasso 23’ (lower right); dated '16 Avril-23' (on the stretcher), oil on canvas, 39 ½ x 31 7/8 in. (100.3 x 81 cm.) Painted in Paris, 16 April 1923. Estimate USD 20,000,000 - USD 30,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenancePaul Rosenberg, Paris (acquired from the artist, circa 1926). 
Paul Rosenberg & Co., New York (acquired from the above, by 1940).
Sarah Campbell-Blaffer, Houston (acquired from the above, 30 August 1946). 
Cecil “Titi” Blaffer von Fürstenberg, Houston (by descent from the above). 
By descent from the above to the present owners.

LiteratureC. Zervos, Pablo Picasso, Paris, 1952, vol. 5, no. 30 (illustrated, pl. 19).
C. Geelhaar, Picasso: Wegbereiter und Förderer seines Aufstiegs, 1899-1939, Zürich, 1993, p. 145 (illustrated in situ at the Wildenstein & Co., Inc. 1923 exhibition). 
M. FitzGerald, Making Modernism: Picasso and the Creation of the Market for Twentieth-Century Art, New York, 1995, p. 123 (illustrated in situ at the Wildenstein & Co., Inc. 1923 exhibition). 
J. Palau i Fabre, Picasso: From the Ballets to Drama, 1917-1926, Cologne, 1999, pp. 356-357 and 516, no. 1306 (illustrated, p. 357; titled The Letter Begun).
J. Richardson, A Life of Picasso: The Triumphant Years, 1917-1932, New York, 2007, vol. III, p. 247.

ExhibitedNew York, Wildenstein & Co., Inc. and The Art Institute of Chicago, Exhibition of Recent Works by Picasso, November 1923-January 1924, no. 9. 
Paris, Galerie Paul Rosenberg, Exposition d’oeuvres nouvelles de Picasso, March-April 1924, no. 20.
Pittsburgh, Carnegie Institute, The 1934 International Exhibition of Paintings, October-December 1934, no. 188. 
Buenos Aires, Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes and Montevideo, Salón Nacional de Bellas Artes, La Pintura Francesa: De David a Nuestros Días, July 1939-April 1940, p. 148, no. 186 and p. 99, no. 149, respectively(illustrated; with incorrect dimensions). 
San Francisco, M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, The Painting of France Since the French Revolution, December 1940-January 1941 and November 1941-January 1942, p. 39, no. 150 (with incorrect dimensions).
Los Angeles County Museum, Aspects of French Paintings from Cézanne to Picasso, January-March 1941, no. 37 (with incorrect dimensions). 
The Art Institute of Chicago, Masterpieces of French Art lent by the Museums and Collectors of France, April-May 1941, no. 121 (illustrated, pl. L; with incorrect dimensions).
Portland Art Museum, Masterpieces of French Painting, September-October 1941, no. 85. 
New York, The Museum of Modern Art; Baltimore Museum of Art; Worcester Art Museum; The Arts Club of Chicago and San Francisco, California Palace of the Legion of Honor, 20th Century Portraits, December 1942-July 1943, p. 141 (illustrated, pl. 84). 
New York, Paul Rosenberg & Co., French and American Paintings of the 20th Century, August-September 1943, no. 18. 
The Art Gallery of Toronto, Loan Exhibition of Great Paintings, in Aid of Allied Merchant Seamen, February-March 1944, p. 33, no. 49 (with incorrect dimensions). 
Buffalo, Albright Art Gallery; Cincinnati Art Museum and St. Louis Art Museum, French Paintings of the Twentieth Century, 1900-1939, December 1944-February 1945, p. 56, no. 51 (illustrated, p. 16). 
New York, Duveen Brothers, Inc., Picasso: An American Tribute, The Classic Phase, April-May 1962, no. 35 (illustrated).
Houston, The Museum of Fine Arts (on extended loan, December 2010-August 2011).

NotePicasso painted two other portraits of Olga in the same dress, both of which can be found in public collections, including The National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. and the Musée Picasso, Paris. 

During the early months of 1923, Picasso completed a trio of large, exquisitely refined portraits of his wife, the Russian-born ballerina Olga Khokhlova, clad in an elegant blue dress with a fur collar. Two are rendered with oils, including the present version, and one with pastel, but all three share a supremely delicate, restrained touch that heightens the sitter’s pensive air, bringing forth her innermost reality. In the version in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., Olga averts her gaze from the viewer, a serenely impenetrable expression on her fine, flawlessly chiseled features; in the Musée Picasso pastel, she is entirely absorbed in her own thoughts, her bowed head resting against one hand in a traditional posture of contemplation (Zervos, vol. 5, nos. 29 and 38). In the present portrait, the most enigmatic of the group, she has paused in a moment of reverie in the midst of writing a letter, pen in hand and inkwell before her on the desk; her private thoughts remain a mystery to us, and likely to Picasso as well, but she shares them here with some unknown confidante. 
Together, this sequence of paintings—not so much likenesses as idealizations—showcases the subtle power of expression that Picasso could summon forth while working in the urbane, coolly classicizing style of portraiture that Olga had inspired in his work. “Picasso saw his wife as a classical type,” Elizabeth Cowling has written, “classical in the regularity and clear definition of her features, classical in the styling of her hair, classical in her reserve and poise” (Picasso, Style and Meaning, London, 2002, p. 416). Here, the tactile sensuality of her blue dress—its fur collar brushing against the immaculate skin of her neck, the tassels on the sleeve gently grazing her forearm—contrasts with her ethereal beauty and distant, dignified mien, which seems to mask an inner sadness. 
Picasso and Olga first met in Rome in February 1917 while preparing and rehearsing Serge Diaghilev’s premiere production of the ballet Parade. They married the following year and took an apartment on the fashionable rue la Boétie, the new epicenter of the Parisian art trade. Thereafter, Olga assumed a variety of guises in her husband’s art. Often, he transformed her into a Greco-Roman goddess, her body and features exaggerated volumetrically to mythological proportions; elsewhere, she is portrayed as an exquisitely beautiful Italianate Madonna, a Spanish matron in a lace mantilla, or most tenderly, a new mother in touching maternity scenes inspired by the birth of their sole child—a son, Paulo—in 1921. In the present painting, Olga appears as a stylishly dressed haute bourgeoisewoman in a contemporary domestic setting, yet she remains as exalted and untouchable as any classical deity or Renaissance Virgin. “Picasso’s poetry verges on the unreal,” Josep Palau i Fabre has written, “in the sense that it often manages to situate the present in the past or the future, one step away from legend” (op. cit., 1999, p. 364).
Shortly before his voyage to Italy in 1917, Picasso had begun to travel two distinct stylistic avenues in his work, alternating with apparent ease between his late synthetic cubist manner and the more naturalistic, classically inflected mode of figuration that Olga would come to embody in his art. Although partisans of each manner endeavored to discredit his efforts in the other, the contrasting notions of cubism and classicism were, to Picasso’s mind, dual sides of the same coin—the totality of Western art in its most provocative, modern form, capable of generating a potent dialectic from which new, transformative ideas might issue forth. “We all know that Art is not truth,” he insisted. “Art is a lie that makes us realize truth. The artist must know the manner whereby to convince others of the truthfulness of his lies” (quoted in D. Ashton, ed., Picasso on Art, New York, 1972, p. 4).
Following the 1918 armistice, an ethos of renewal linked to a heightened awareness of tradition emerged to hold sway over the European avant-garde. Adhering to le rappel à l’ordre—the “call to order,” as formulated by Picasso’s friend Jean Cocteau—artists increasingly turned away from modernist contemporaneity to mine the Latinate Gallic past, from classical antiquity and the Italian Renaissance to the great French masters of recent centuries, most notably Poussin, David, and Ingres. This humanistic cultural imperative, they believed, could assuage and eventually heal the wounds that four years of unprecedented carnage had inflicted on the national body and soul, satisfying a deep yearning for harmony, unity, stability, and order.
Picasso’s ongoing exploration of classicism as a means of expanding the expressive parameters of contemporary art gained new impetus after the war from the shared, collective context of the rappel à l’ordre, together with the personal, biographical circumstance of his marriage to Olga, his own classical muse. By the end of the decade, he had adopted a broad array of classically inspired subjects and elements of style which he retooled and forged into an eclectic, highly individual display of unbounded invention, with multivalent inferences of context and meaning. “To me there is no past or future in art,” he declared. “If a work of art cannot always live in the present it must not be considered at all. The art of the Greeks, of the Egyptians, of the great painters who lived in other times, is not an art of the past; perhaps it is more alive today than it ever was” (ibid., p. 4). 
The present La Lettre is an illustrative case in point, replete with sources in the history of art. As in Ingres’s great female portraits, Olga is here depicted with impeccable academic precision; her skin appears like porcelain, polished to perfection and catching the light. To render the minute details of her hair and dress, Picasso used an exceptionally fine brush, dipped in black paint and handled like a pen, recalling Ingres’s flawless ink drawings; cross-hatching in the bodice creates a subtly sculptural effect. “These academic tours de force,” John Richardson has written about La Lettre and the two related portraits of Olga in a blue dress, “are unashamedly Ingresque” (op. cit., 2007, pp. 218 and 219). At the same time, as Richardson has noted, the silken sheen of these works suggests that Picasso was studying 18th century pastel portraits in the stock of his new dealer Paul Rosenberg. In La Lettre, he handled the oil paints as gently as pastel, covering the canvas with a light, almost evanescent touch to create a surface of admirable delicacy.
The motif of a woman writing a letter—or more commonly, reading one—also calls to mind 18th-century French precedent, in particular the genre scenes of Greuze and Fragonard. In Picasso’s re-imagining of the theme, however, there is no trace of the moralizing, sentimentality, or eroticism with which earlier artists—for whom the letter, by default, was a love letter—imbued such imagery. Instead, the portrait of Olga at her writing desk has a hushed, introspective quality that suggests the influence of Corot, whose moody late figure paintings had occupied a key place in Picasso’s personal trove of artistic sources since the Corot retrospective at the 1909 Salon d’Automne. Italy had been a revelation for Corot, as Picasso well understood during his own stay in Rome, Naples, and Florence in 1917. “Picasso speaks only of this master,” wrote his traveling companion Cocteau, “who touches us more deeply than all the Italians obsessed with grandeur” (quoted in E. Cowling, op. cit., 2002, p. 309).
By the time Picasso painted La Lettre in April 1923, intimations of unease had become evident in his relationship with Olga. He had grown resentful of Olga’s determination to gentrify him and rankled by her pampering of Paulo. Then, in the summer of 1922, Olga suffered a sudden, unknown illness and had to be rushed back to Paris from Dinard for an emergency operation. Following her recovery, she and Picasso began to live increasingly separate lives. Melancholic by nature, and ever fretful on behalf of her family, who had been on the losing side of the Russian Revolution, Olga sunk more deeply into herself. Picasso, in turn, may have taken up once more with his on-again, off-again mistress Irène Lagut, who then shared a lover, the dissolute writer Raymond Radiguet, with Cocteau—a ménage of which the demure Olga surely disapproved, if she was aware of it. The change in Picasso’s attitude toward his wife is reflected in his portraits from this period, where Olga is not an object of heated erotic desire, but rather of coolly detached pride and admiration—tinged, in La Lettre, with a certain nostalgic tenderness.
This canvas was one of 16 pictures by Picasso to feature in a landmark exhibition in New York and Chicago—the artist’s first solo showing in America—during the winter of 1923-1924. The impresario of the exhibition was the dealer Paul Rosenberg, who had represented Picasso since 1918; the artist’s home on the rue La Boétie was next door to Rosenberg’s gallery, with its extensive stock of paintings by 19th century masters. Unlike his brother Léonce, a staunch advocate of cubism, Paul Rosenberg principally promoted Picasso’s newer, more naturalistic manner, steeped as it was in French tradition. All 16 works in the American exhibition were thoroughly classicizing in subject and style, creating the impression of a unified series. Among them were La Lettre and the related National Gallery canvas; the mournful Femme à la voile bleue (Los Angeles County Museum of Art); a young Saltimbanque, seen on his own and paired with a lover (both National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.); and two paintings of the model Jacinto Salvadó as Harlequin (Musée national d'art moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, and Kunstmuseum, Basel).
“The ten current [1923] paintings were some of the most exquisitely beautiful images Picasso ever created,” Michael FitzGerald has written (op. cit., 1995, p. 123). The meditative, musing women and the commedia dell’arte characters together recall the artist’s Rose Period nearly two decades earlier, as does the muted, monochromatic tonality that prevailed among the works on view. Now, though, Picasso refracted his subjects explicitly through the lens of the classical past and the eternal values that had governed image-making since antiquity. “The size and scale of these monumental personages fit the tradition of classical figure painting, and the delicacy of their drawing glides back through Picasso’s early work to the virtuosity of Renaissance masters” (ibid.). 
The exhibition opened on 17 November at Wildenstein & Co. in New York and remained there until 8 December, when it moved to The Art Institute of Chicago under the auspices of that city’s Arts Club. Rosenberg’s hopes were high—the show had been a long time in the making—but response was mixed. Critics took the dealer to task for omitting cubism from the show, neglecting the diversity of Picasso’s current production, and collectors were dismayed by the high prices. “A great succès d’estime et moral,” Rosenberg reassured Picasso in a letter dated 21 November. “Everyone finds it marvelous and says, Finally, a good exhibition of beautiful paintings!” (quoted in ibid., p. 124). “The most popular,” he subsequently reported, “are the woman with the blue veil and La Réponse[the present painting]. It’s just as we thought” (quoted in J. Richardson, op. cit., 2007, p. 247). 
The Rosenberg exhibition would come to define a fundamental divide in Picasso’s art and life. In 1925, the artist’s decade-long fascination with classicism gave way to an utterly transformative immersion in the convulsive intensity of the surrealist revolution. Picasso and Olga’s marriage continued to unravel beyond repair, and her likeness largely disappeared from his art. In January 1927, the artist began a passionate affair—the surrealist amour fou he had so desperately been seeking—with 17-year-old Marie-Thérèse Walter. His conjugal relationship with Olga ended with a hard-fought legal separation in 1935; they remained officially married, however, and he supported her financially until her death in 1955.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 


Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Course de taureaux, Barcelona, 1900

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Lot 6. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Course de taureaux, signed '-P. Ruiz Picasso-' (lower left), gouache and pastel on board, 18 ½ x 27 ½ in. (47.1 x 70 cm.) Executed in Barcelona, 1900. Estimate USD 3,500,000 - USD 5,500,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

Provenance(Possibly) Berthe Weill, Paris (acquired from the artist).
(Possibly) Adolphe Brisson, Paris (acquired from the above).
Anon. sale, Maître Maurice Rheims, Galerie Charpentier, Paris, 18 March 1959, lot 24.
Acquired at the above sale by the late owner.

LiteratureP. Daix and G. Boudaille, Picasso: The Blue and Rose Periods, A Catalogue Raisonné, 1900-1906, London, 1967, p. 120, no. II.6 (illustrated; titled Bullfight and with incorrect medium).
C. Zervos, Pablo Picasso, Paris, 1969, vol. 21, no. 148 (illustrated, pl. 58; with incorrect medium).
A. Davis, "Sutton Place Townhouse: Italian Designer Blends Fine Art and Décor" in Architectural Digest, December 1977, pp. 38-47 (illustrated in color in situ in Drue Heinz's home, p. 39).
J. Palau i Fabre, Picasso: The Early Years, 1881-1907, New York, 1981, pp. 194 and 530, no. 452 (illustrated, p. 194; titled The Open Bull-pen and with incorrect medium).
F. Rodari, Un dimanche avec Picasso, Geneva, 1991, p. 42 (illustrated in color).
E. Vallès, Picasso i Rusiñol: La cruïa de la modernitat, Barcelona, 2008, p. 197 (illustrated in color, p. 150, fig. 104; with incorrect medium).
L. Folgarait, Painting 1909: Pablo Picasso, Gertrude Stein, Henri Bergson, Comics, Albert Einstein, and Anarchy, London, 2017, p. 155 (illustrated, fig. 57; with incorrect medium).

ExhibitedNew Haven, Yale University Art Gallery, Paintings, Drawings and Sculpture Collected by Yale Alumni, May-June 1960, p. 185, no. 191 (illustrated).
New York, M. Knoedler & Co., Inc., Picasso: An American Tribute, April-May 1962, no. 6 (illustrated).
The Art Gallery of Toronto and The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, Picasso and Man, January-March 1964, p. 26, no. 5 (illustrated).
Forth Worth Art Center Museum, Picasso: Drawings, Watercolors, Gouaches, February-March 1967, p. 101, no. 142.
New York, Museum of Modern Art, Pablo Picasso: A Retrospective, May-September 1980, p. 30 (illustrated in color, p. 31; with incorrect medium).
Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art and Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Picasso: The Early Years, 1892-1906, March 1997-January 1998, p. 119, no. 33 (illustrated in color; detail illustrated in color, p. 20; titled Bullfight and with incorrect medium).
Málaga, Museo Picasso, Picasso: Toros, April-July 2005, pp. 150 and 196, no. 34 (illustrated in color, p. 150; with incorrect medium).

Note:  A lifelong aficionado of the heroism and pathos of the bullfight, Picasso in the present Course de taureaux captured the brief, electrifying moment immediately before the bull charges into the corrida, its every nerve-ending fired with the anticipation of combat. In mid-1900 when he rendered this scene, laying down pastel in vivid hues and with a material density that conjures the physicality of the impending encounter, Picasso was just eighteen years old, ablaze with youthful ambition and preparing for his own dramatic entry into a new arena. The previous year, he had returned home to Barcelona after a brief stint at the prestigious but stiflingly traditional Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando in Madrid; now, ever more forceful and independent, he was just months away from his first trip to Paris, determined to prove his worth in the very center of the art world. 
The new century had opened most auspiciously for Picasso. In January 1900, he moved into his first proper studio with the fellow painter Carles Casagemas, who would eventually accompany him to Paris. The next month, he had the inaugural solo exhibition of his career, showing as many as 150 portraits on paper—a veritable gallery of Barcelona’s bohemians—at the cabaret El Quatre Gats, the unofficial headquarters of Catalan Modernisme. As soon as the show closed, he turned his attention to Paris, the apogee of every young Spanish painter’s dream. Over the course of the spring and summer, he wore down his father’s staunch resistance to the proposed trip, finagled much-needed funds from Casagemas’s parents, and hustled to find commercial work to raise additional money—all the while reveling in the seemingly infinite entertainment available to an adventurous young man in Barcelona, including the theaters on the Paralelo, the brothels in the Barri Xino, and the newly opened corrida Las Arenas. 
Picasso created during these high-spirited, aspirational months no fewer than ten scenes of the bullring, principally in pastel, which in the brilliance of their color and the confidence of their handling represent a remarkable leap forward for the young artist. “These works seem to reveal a complete renewal in Picasso’s spirit,” Josep Palau i Fabre has written, “either because the Quatre Gats show had somehow liberated him, or because he was looking forward so eagerly to his trip to Paris. These open-air spectacles, the bullring flooded with sunlight, are in violent contrast to the tenebrous paintings he had been doing so recently” (op. cit., 1981, p. 192). “Never before had Picasso done his afición such credit,” John Richardson declared. “These scorched bullfight scenes are a tremendous advance not only in bravura but in color. This is now as shrill and sharp as the trumpets heralding the rush of the bull into the ring. Picasso has finally discovered how to paint light” (J. Richardson, A Life of Picasso, 1881-1906, New York, 1991, vol. 1, p. 151).
The present Course de taureaux is an illustrative case in point, dazzling in shades of gold and green. Three slim, elegant toreros in the left foreground, capes in hand and backs turned to the viewer, stare with fixed concentration at the small, square doorway from which the bull will burst forth; so too does the pair of burly, blue-clad workers flanking them, perhaps the areneros charged with tending the sand. The figures are disposed with apparent informality to either side of center, leaving a clear channel for the beast to barrel forth, directly toward the viewer. The black portal stands out sharply against the yellow sweep of the podium wall, evoking the explosive crossing of the bull from the cramped, dark holding pen or toril into the open, sunlit arena, where the matador in his embroidered traje de luces (suit of lights) awaits. Picasso articulated the seating area too in terms of light and dark, schematically demarcating the boundary between the more expensive, shady sector and the cheap seats in full sun. 
“It is the edge between sol y sombra,” Fred Licht has written, “and it provides the dramatic background against which the bullfight attains its true intensity. Sol y sombra is not only indicative of a social division between rich and poor but also represents the shadow of death at the very heart of the bullfight itself. It is a metaphor of uncompromisingly opposed forces pitted against each other without the possibility of any neutral ground between them” (The Thannhauser Collection of the Guggenheim Museum, New York, 2001, p. 63).
In July 1900, Picasso exhibited four bullfight pastels—there is no record of which ones—at El Quatre Gats, where they elicited a stellar review in the local paper Las Noticias. “The effect of the blinding light beating down on the rows of seats is unbelievable: so are the silhouettes of the bullfighters and the clusters of spectators in the stands” (quoted in J. Richardson, op. cit., 1991, p. 154). The ultimate market for this eye-catching new work, however, was not Barcelona but Paris, where Spanish themes were then very much in vogue. The Catalan painter Ricard Canals had recently won favor in France with his picturesque Spanish scenes, and Picasso packed his own corrida pastels with him when he set out for the capital. “He was not going to arrive in the city where he hoped to find fame,” Richardson has noted, “without saleable samples of his work” (ibid., p. 153). 
It was an excellent strategy, as it turned out. Picasso arrived in Paris with Casagemas in October, just a few days shy of his nineteenth birthday; Manuel Pallarès, another companion, joined them soon after. The painter Isidre Nonell generously offered the trio use of his studio in Montmartre, as well as tendering an introduction to the small-time dealer Pere Mañach, who was always on the look-out for promising new arrivals from Spain. Mañach was impressed with the bullfight pastels that Picasso showed him at their first meeting and took three on consignment. Within days, he had sold the lot to the gallerist Berthe Weill for a hundred francs; Weill marked them up fifty percent and flipped them to Adolphe Brisson, the editor of Annales Politiques et Littéraires. The present pastel—one of the few corrida scenes, as Daix has noted, that are not known to have passed through a Barcelona collection—may well have been part of this historic transaction, Picasso’s inaugural sale in Paris (op. cit., 1967, p. 120). 
More good news quickly followed. On the strength of Weill’s success with the pastels, Mañach offered Picasso a contract of 150 francs per month. Both he and Weill brought collectors to the young artist’s studio, yielding a respectable stream of sales; after Picasso left Paris for the Christmas holiday, Mañach busied himself arranging for shows of his work. By the time the artist returned in the spring—now without Casagemas, who had taken his own life in February over a love affair gone bad—Mañach had persuaded the enterprising dealer Ambroise Vollard to host an exhibition of Picasso’s recent production, which included a trio of new pictures on the theme of the corrida (nos. IV.5-6, plus one now lost). It was an extraordinary break for a talented up-and-comer, which effectively launched Picasso’s international career. 
Next to painting and women, the bullfight would remain the greatest passion of Picasso’s life. He attended his last contest during summer 1970, at the age of 88, and he painted his valedictory toreros that fall, endowing them with his own huge, mirada fuerte eyes. “The best matador who ever existed,” the Spanish poet Rafael Alberti wrote about Picasso. “His paintbrush is like a sword dipped in the blood of all the colors” (A Year of Picasso Paintings, New York, 1971, p. 150).

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

A Junyao-glazed dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127)

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A Junyao-glazed dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127)

Lot 16. A Junyao-glazed dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127); 19cm (7 1/2in) diam. Estimate £ 20,000 - 30,000 (€ 23,000 - 35,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Well potted with shallow rounded sides rising to an angular everted rim, covered all under an attractive lavender-blue glaze thinning to a mushroom colour to the rim

Provenance: John Sparks Ltd., London, 20 November 1989
A distinguished English private collection.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A Junyao purple-splashed dish, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

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A Junyao purple-splashed dish, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

Lot 17. A Junyao purple-splashed dish, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368); 16.5cm (6 1/2in) diam. Estimate £ 3,000 - 5,000 (€ 3,500 - 5,800). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

With shallow curving sides rising to a flared rim, supported on a short foot, covered with a thick glaze of lavender-blue colour highlighted with a purple splash

ProvenanceRoger Keverne Ltd., Summer Exhibition 2003, London, no.50
A distinguished English private collection.

Note: For similar dish, Jin or Yuan dynasty, see J. Ayers, A. Medley and Wood, Iron in the Fire: The Chinese Potters' Exploration of Iron Oxide Glazes: an exhibition held at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1988, p.44, no.25.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

Claude Monet (1840-1926), Coin du bassin aux nymphéas, circa 1918-1919

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Lot 35A. Claude Monet (1840-1926), Coin du bassin aux nymphéas, stamped with signature 'Claude Monet' (Lugt 1819b; upper right); stamped again with signature 'Claude Monet' (Lugt 1819b; on the reverse), oil on canvas, 51 3/8 x 35 in. (130.5 x 88.8 cm.) Painted in Giverny, circa 1918-1919. Estimate USD 15,000,000 - USD 25,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

Provenance: Estate of the artist. 
Michel Monet, Sorel-Moussel (by descent from the above). 
Galerie Katia Granoff, Paris (acquired from the above). 
Acquired from the above by the family of the present owner, by 1960.

LiteratureD. Wildenstein, Claude Monet: Biographie et catalogue raisonné, Lausanne, 1985, vol. IV, p. 284, no. 1881 (illustrated prior to stamp, p. 285).
D. Wildenstein, Monet: Catalogue raisonné, Cologne, 1996, vol. IV, p. 893, no. 1881 (illustrated prior to stamp). 

ExhibitedKunsthaus Zürich and The Hague, Dienst voor Schone Kunsten, Claude Monet, May-September 1952, p. 24, no. 122 and no. 89, respectively (titled Nymphéas à travers les arbres, fond du bassin and with inverted dimensions [Zürich]; titled Waterlelies, in de tuin te Giverny [The Hague]).

Note: Of the four version that Monet painted of this subject, one is in the collection of The Musée de Grenoble, France, where it was gifted by the artist. 

In mid-1918, with the outcome of the First World War hanging precariously in the balance after four years of devastating, all-out combat, Monet set up his easel on the northeastern bank of his beloved water garden at Giverny—a site of solace and serenity in a world seemingly come undone—and began a suite of four paintings that represent a radical departure from the now-iconic Nymphéas that had occupied him almost exclusively since early in the century. Instead of a broad expanse of water and reflections, a radically destabilized vision of the plane of the lily pond tilted to vertical, Monet now crafted a clearly defined terrestrial area that recedes along the reassuringly legible curve of the bank into the background, where the scene is closed off with a dense screen of foliage and flowers. In the midst of profoundly anxious times—“I do not have long to live,” Monet wrote in August 1918, “and I must dedicate all my time to painting”—these lush, lyrical canvases represent an irrepressible cry of hope: a return to the safety of terra firma, with streams of brilliant yellow light penetrating the darkness and promising deliverance (quoted in P. Tucker, Claude Monet: Life and Art, New Haven, 1995, p. 212).
Monet’s vigorous, gestural handling of paint, here more experimental and proto-abstract than ever, simultaneously reflects and amplifies the emotional urgency of this exceptional suite of canvases—the present Coin du bassin aux nymphéas and Wildenstein, nos. 1878-1880 (Musée de Grenoble; Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva; and Christie’s New York, 14 May 1997, lot 23). “Within this more traditional spatial arena, Monet flexes his painterly muscle,” Paul Tucker has written, “applying his medium in as many ways as there are elements in the view—blotching it, swirling it, layering it, dragging dry brushes across wet pigment, entangling wet strokes in wet strokes, pulling pigment up from the surface in some areas and pushing it down in others. It is as if he were trying out all of the discoveries he had made while working on the Grandes décorations but had not permitted himself the pleasure of including in one particular picture” (Monet in the 20th Century, exh. cat., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1998, p. 76).
Monet’s visionary achievement in the water garden proceeded from an unprecedented feat of imaginative planning and construction that constituted a work of sublime artifice in itself. As if in a quest for a paradise lost, a new Eden amid the bustle of the modern, industrial era, Monet conceived and created the very pond and its surroundings that he eventually would make the sole, all-encompassing subject of his late art. Monet designed the pond in 1893 as the centerpiece of a tract of newly purchased acreage adjoining his home and property at Giverny, dedicating to this endeavor his substantial resources as a famous and successful painter; the acquisition of additional parcels of land in 1902 enabled him to triple the size of the water garden. “In this simplicity,” understood Gustave Geffroy, Monet’s friend and first biographer, “is found everything the eye can see and surmise, an infinity of shapes and shades, the complex life of things” (Claude Monet, sa vie, son oeuvre, Paris, 1924/1980, p. 402). 
The first exhibition devoted exclusively to Monet’s new paintings of his water garden took place at Galerie Bernheim-Jeune in May 1909. The artist subtitled this selection of 48 canvases, painted between 1903 and 1908, Séries de paysages deau—“Water Landscapes.” Visitors to the gallery marveled at the paintings, which took as their sole subject the constantly shifting relationships among water, reflections, and light that transformed the surface of the lily pond with each passing moment. “No more earth, no more sky, no limits now; the dormant and fertile waters completely cover the field of the canvas,” Roger Marx wrote in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts. “Through the incense of soft vapors, under a light veil of silvery mist, the indecisive meets the precise. Certainty becomes conjecture, and the enigma of mystery opens the mind to the world of illusion and the infinity of dreams” (quote in C.F. Stuckey, ed., Monet: A Retrospective, New York, 1985, p. 265). 
Monet was deeply gratified by this response, which affirmed the ongoing relevance and vital, transformative character of his art. Following the close of the exhibition, though, there followed nearly five years in which the artist—exhausted from the intense work leading up to the show, and then suffering from a sequence of personal tragedies—barely picked up his brushes. His wife Alice and his elder son Jean both took ill and died during this time, and Monet learned that he had a cataract in one eye that seriously threatened his vision. Less grave but still distressing, flooding of the Seine and the Epte caused substantial damage to his gardens. It was not until the spring of 1914—while France was steeling itself for war—that he returned to the lily pond in earnest. “I have thrown myself back into work,” he wrote to Durand-Ruel in June, “and when I do that, I do it seriously, so much so that I am getting up at four a.m. and am grinding away all day long” (quoted in P. Tucker, op. cit., 1995, p. 204). 
Monet was 73 years old by then, well beyond the life expectancy for men of his generation. The mere fact that he resumed work on the Nymphéasseries with such vigor is extraordinary. Rather than simply retreading his previous success, moreover, he set himself a wholly new challenge. In 1897, he had described to a journalist his vision of an enclosed space lined with mural-sized paintings of the lily pond that would transport the viewer into realms of aesthetic reverie. Now, at last, he set out to make this encompassing ensemble—the Grandes décorations—a reality. “It was not just his personal travails that drove him back to the studio, but a burning desire to do something that would move beyond his early Nymphéas,” Tucker has proposed. “In the first decade of the century, their beauty and inventiveness might have been an apt summation of his life’s efforts. But the second decade called for something more formidable, because everyone knew that a cataclysmic conflict was imminent” (Claude Monet: Late Work, exh. cat., Gagosian Gallery, New York, 2010, p. 30).
Between 1914 and 1917, Monet completed a series of some sixty Nymphéas, in which he tested out ideas for the Grandes décorations on a scale that he had never before attempted. In summer 1915, he began construction on a huge studio to house the project; he occupied the building in October and began work on the actual murals at that time. By November 1917, he considered the panels sufficiently advanced that he permitted Durand-Ruel to photograph them in progress. Monet continued to work on the murals even as the Germans mounted an intense and frightening offensive against France in early 1918, their desperate, last-ditch effort to win the war. They broke through British defenses in the Somme valley in March and pressed on to capture Amiens, just 37 kilometers from Monet’s home. “I do not want to believe that I would ever be obliged to leave Giverny,” he wrote to Georges Bernheim. “I would rather die here in the middle of what I have done” (quoted in P. Tucker, op. cit., 1995, p. 212).
The present painting enters the story at this momentous juncture. By spring 1918, it had been nearly a decade since Monet had last shown his work from the water garden in public; he considered the Nymphéas of 1914-1917 as a private exploratory enterprise and, with rare exception, neither exhibited nor sold these canvases. Now, seemingly impelled by the decisive historic moment, Monet stepped back from the Grandes décorations and—before the weather turned cold again in the fall—began four independent series of easel paintings on various pond subjects, conceived for their own, expressive sake and not as part of a decorative program. In September, the Allies mounted a powerful counter-offensive, and by November the Germans had been pushed out of France and forced to the peace table. Over the course of the next year, Monet released nine of the brand-new canvases to his dealers, driven perhaps by the desire to share his intensely personal response to the war with the collective, battle-ravaged nation.
Of the four groups of paintings that Monet began in 1918, only one—a sequence of fourteen Nymphéas painted on pre-stretched, 1 x 2 meter canvases that Monet ordered that April—limits the field of vision to horizontal plane of the lily pond (Wildenstein, nos. 1886-1887, 1890-1901). To paint the other three series, Monet lifted his gaze from the surface of the water, taking in the encompassing milieu. Ten canvases, largely completed in 1918, focus on a magnificent weeping willow tree on the north bank of the pond, at once a traditional elegiac symbol, an emblem of fortitude and endurance, and a proxy for the artist’s own upright form (nos. 1868-1877). During the same year, Monet began his late series of Japanese Bridge paintings, which would engage him at intervals through 1924 (nos. 1911-1933, of which the first three probably date to 1918). 
Finally, in the four Coin du bassin aux nymphéas canvases, completed between 1918 and 1919, Monet selected a vantage point that offered him the widest possible range of pictorial elements—a veritable compendium, as seen here, of the water garden’s myriad, restorative enchantments.
“Their lively surfaces amply attest to Monet’s unique virtuosity,” Tucker has written about these pictures, “but their spatial breadth and elegant arrangements bespeak his desire to lure his public into believing in the magic of his special place. Thus, in addition to the care with which he rendered the scene, he introduced all the motifs that had preoccupied him since the outbreak of the war: the water-lily pond in the foreground, with its complicated but verifiable reflections; the water lilies themselves, with their colorful crowning flowers; the sculpted bank that cuts through the scene to make the space understandable; and the dazzling stand of trees in the background, with their writhing rhythms and the spectacular light that appears as physical as the foliage” (op. cit., 2010, pp. 33-35).
On 12 November 1918, the day after the Armistice was signed, Monet wrote to Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau—the nation’s wartime “Tiger” and the artist’s longtime friend—and offered to the French State two panneaux décoratifs that were near completion, most likely a Weeping Willow and a 1 x 2 meter Nymphéas. “It’s not much,” the artist admitted, “but it is the only way I have of taking part in the victory” (quoted in exh. cat., op. cit., 1998, p. 77). Together, Monet and Clemenceau were two of the most famous men in France, and the affection between them was deep and enduring. “Remember old Rembrandt in the Louvre,” Clemenceau had written to his friend after Alice’s death. “He clings to his palette, determined to hold out until the end through terrible adversities” (quoted in R. King, Mad Enchantment: Claude Monet and the Painting of the Water Lilies, New York, 2016, p. 16). Now, moved by Monet’s patriotic gesture, Clemenceau visited Giverny with Geffroy and proposed the donation of the entire cycle of Grandes décorations, which then numbered twelve murals. The agreement, when finally drawn up in April 1922, ultimately provided for twenty canvases to be placed in two rooms of the Musée de l’Orangerie, to which Monet subsequently added two more panels. 
Still intent on bringing his latest work before the public, between December 1918 and January 1919 Monet sold to Bernheim-Jeune two Weeping Willows (Wildenstein, nos. 1868-1869) and two paintings from the present Coin du bassin series (nos. 1879-1880)—the first time he had parted with a group of new canvases since releasing his Venetian views to the dealers in 1912. In November 1919, Bernheim-Jeune acquired another lot of recent pictures from Monet, consisting of four 1 x 2 meter Nymphéas(nos. 1890-1891, 1893-1894) and one Japanese Bridge (no. 1916). 
In 1923, Monet donated a Coin du bassin picture to the Musée de Grenoble, with the aim of promoting the museum’s modernist tendencies (no. 1878). The present painting—one of the two largest from the sequence, along with the identically sized no. 1880—was thus the only Coin du bassinto remain in Monet’s studio until his death, where it provided the artist with ongoing inspiration as he completed the Grandes décorations. The canvas passed from the artist’s son Michel through the Parisian dealer Katia Granoff to the family of the present owner in the 1960s and has never again changed hand on the market.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

Claude Monet (1840-1926) Le pont japonais, circa 1918-1924

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Lot 36. Claude Monet (1840-1926) Le pont japonais, stamped with signature 'Claude Monet' (Lugt 1819b; lower right); stamped again with signature 'Claude Monet' (Lugt 1819b; on the reverse), oil on canvas, 28 ¾ x 39 ½ in. (73 x 100.3 cm.) Painted in Giverny, circa 1918-1924. Estimate USD 12,000,000 - USD 18,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenanceEstate of the artist. 
Michel Monet, Sorel-Moussel (by descent from the above).
Galerie Katia Granoff, Paris (acquired from the above).
Acquired from the above by the family of the present owner, by 1960.

LiteratureD. Rouart and J.-D. Rey, Monet: Nymphéas ou les miroirs du temps, Paris, 1972 (illustrated; dated circa 1923-1925).
D. Wildenstein, Claude Monet: Biographie et catalogue raisonné, Lausanne, 1985, vol. IV, p. 298, no. 1915 (illustrated prior to stamp, p. 299).
D. Wildenstein, Monet: Catalogue raisonné, Cologne, 1996, vol. IV, pp. 915-916, no. 1915 (illustrated prior to stamp, p. 915).
G. Morel, "Le cycle des nymphéas" in Connaissance des arts, March 2018, no. 808, p. 18-19 (illustrated in color).

ExhibitedParis, Musée de l’Orangerie, Nymphéas. L’abstraction américaine et le dernier Monet, April-August 2018, p. 66, no. 6 (illustrated in color, p. 67).

Note: Of the twenty-four versions that Monet painted of Le pont japonais, sixteen are in public institutions, including Musée Marmottan, Paris; Kunstmuseum, Basel; Museu de Arte de São Paulo Assis Chateaubriand; Kunsthaus Zürich; Museum of Fine Arts, Houston; Philadelphia Museum of Art; Minneapolis Institute of Art and The Museum of Modern Art, New York. 

During 1918-1924, Claude Monet painted a sequence of 24 canvases featuring the Japanese footbridge that spanned the western banks of the oval lily pond on his property in Giverny (Wildenstein, nos. 1911-1933). All are identically titled Le pont japonais, save one, more descriptively documented as La passerelle sur le bassin de nymphéas, which is the sole picture in the series that Monet signed and dated—1919—when he sold it to Bernheim-Jeune in November of that year (no. 1916; Kunstmuseum, Basel). This was also the only picture in the series exhibited in the artist’s lifetime, at Bernheim-Jeune in 1921.
Monet had already embarked on the majestic Grandes décorations, the suite of large lily-pond compositions that his friend Georges Clemenceau, the noted statesman and twice the Prime Minister of the Third Republic, had commissioned for the French state. Because Monet persisted, at the same time, in painting smaller easel pictures—such as the Japanese bridges—Clemenceau complained to the artist that he had been attending to them as an excuse to put off the deadline that had been set for the completion of the Grandes décorations.
The Pont japonais sequence of paintings all focus on the simple structural element of the arching, wooden Japanese footbridge, completed during 1894-1895. Monet first painted the bridge under an early April snowfall in 1895 (Wildenstein, no. 1392) and later that year in the full brilliance of summer (nos. 1419-1419a). When Monet created his very first paintings of the water-lily pond during the summer of 1899—once the plants had matured and spread out across the pond—he included in each of them the Japanese bridge, resplendent in its pale blue-green paint (nos. 1509-1520). Monet had an overhanging, metal trellis installed during 1904-1905. Both the balustrade and the new framework were draped in wisteria, which quickly engulfed the bridge, appearing to absorb it within the masses of foliage along the banks of the pond and the dangling branches of the large willow on the southern end of the bridge, at right in the present painting. 
The curving rise of the bridge marked the culmination of a line of sight from the front door of the artist’s large house at the northern end of the property, down along the garden-lined, pergola-covered grande allée, and across the road and railway track into parcel of land that enclosed the pond. Monet intended the Japanese bridge to serve as the connective, harmonizing motif, as well as the most elevated vantage point within his artfully designed and painstakingly cultivated garden landscape. Although barely recognizable as the original bridge amid the profusion of nature in the 1918-1924 series, the line of this graceful arabesque centers and provides breadth to the horizontal aspect of the pondscape, in counterpoint to the vertical cascades of foliage and the reflections of shadow that appear to rise up from the surface of the water. 
While notable as an exotic feature in the traditional Norman landscape, the Japanese footbridge is more importantly Monet’s tribute to the general cultural phenomenon of japonisme as a transformative influence on the arts of France, his own included, since the 1860s. By late in his life, Monet’s collection of Japanese prints numbered over two hundred examples, by Utamaro, Hokusai, and Hiroshige—a “Japanese Impressionist,” Monet called the latter—among others. In 1921, Monet received at Giverny a succession of Japanese artists and collectors, who came with Clemenceau to admire the painter’s gardens. Foremost among them was Kojiro Matsukata, the son of a former Prime Minister of Japan and a personal friend of the emperor, who purchased 15 canvases from Monet at this time for his planned museum of modern Western art, including a 4.25-meter-wide Nymphéas mural originally destined for the Grandes décorations(Wildenstein, no. 1971). “I’m especially flattered that the Japanese understand me,” Monet explained, “since they are the masters who have felt and represented nature so profoundly” (quoted in R. King, Mad Enchantment: Claude Monet and the Painting of the Water Lilies, New York, 2016, p. 246). 
In addition to having become a desirable feature in Japanese gardens since the 12th century, classical Heian Period, the arching bridge form appears in numerous woodblock, ukiyo-e prints of travelers and traders. “Last autumn I was a sad dreamer, and suddenly I imagined myself walking in a picturesque landscape passing innumerable bridges,” Katsushika Hokusai captioned his brush drawing A Dream of a Hundred Bridges, 1832. “I found myself so happy that I took up my brush right away and drew this landscape, before it got lost in my imagination.” As a symbol of passage, of crossing over from one stage in life to the next, the poetry of the bridge resonated with special urgency in Monet’s mind during the years 1918-1924. 
News of events of the day in early 1918 were as discouraging as they had been for most of the previous three and a half years of the murderous Great War. The stalemate on the Western Front appeared unbreakable as neither the Allies nor Germany could gain the upper hand. A grim struggle of attrition was draining the will, material resources, and manpower of both sides. Realizing that the entry of America into the war in November 1917 must eventually result in an Allied victory, in March 1918 Germany unleashed its all-out, last-ditch offensive to crush the French and British armies on the Western Front. 
Still grieving at the passing of his beloved wife Alice in 1911, and the death his eldest son Jean in early 1914, Monet feared terribly for the safety of his sole surviving son Michel and stepson Jean-Pierre Hoschedé, both in harm’s way on the battle lines. Monet—then in his mid-70s—might only find meaning in the transient nature of all things as he contemplated the rhythms of growth and decay, life and death in the serenity of his water garden sanctuary. This palpable evocation of abundant nature had been for the past two decades his pride and joy, his personal corner of the world, where he could retreat into an environment that he had created as a work of art, for the sake of his art, and which became a universe unto itself. 
This development marked in his oeuvre the emergence of the late period, a final decade of visionary transfiguration in his art. But as in the personal histories of other great masters who painted to the very end of their lives, Monet confronted formidable trials and tribulations during this period, in his case stemming from news of the most horrifying kind, especially for a painter. He had been diagnosed in 1912 with cataracts, far more advanced in his right eye than his left, and he understood that he was in danger of losing his sight. The ordeal that ensued would have defeated a spirit less courageous and indomitable than his own. In the end he triumphed, completing his final magnum opus, the twenty-two panels of the Grandes décorations, to be installed in the Musée de l’Orangerie, Paris, which had been specifically redesigned and dedicated to receive them. To appreciate, however, the artist’s agony and feelings of despair, and then the qualities of the patience and strength he summoned to confront this challenge, one should turn to the paintings of le pont japonais.
Monet sought to avert surgery for as long as possible by trying alternative treatments that were proposed to him, and which, for a while at least, appeared to offer some relief. It was not until 1919 that his cataracts again began to give him trouble. Although he admitted being able to see “less and less,” as he told a journalist in early 1921, “I always paint at the times of day most propitious for me, as long as my paint tubes and brushes are not mixed up” (quoted in P. Tucker, Monet in the 20th Century, exh. cat., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1998, p. 80). Monet typically painted the footbridge in the early morning hours—he was an inveterate early riser—and in the late afternoons, near dusk. 
The present pont japonais renders the blue-green tonality of the foliage, with touches of violet, in the early morning, when the cool, silvery white vapors of a mist had settled on the pond. The artist had situated himself at the western tip, along the channel that drains the water back into the Ru river. Gazing through the shadowy form of the bridge, he beheld the gathering light at the eastern end of the pond. Late in the day, Monet would place his canvas on the opposite, eastern bank, and look westward through the bridge into the reddish light at sunset, giving rise to the fiery colors that characterize this portion of his bridge production, also found in the concurrent L’allée de rosiers series, the seven paintings which depict the garden path under the rose-covered arches (Wildenstein, nos. 1934-1940). 
By 1922, however, it became clear to Monet that only surgery, hazardous as it might be, could sufficiently ameliorate his condition and allow him to continue painting, as he knew he must, for the sake of completing the Grandes décorations. Apprehensive as ever, Monet had the first date postponed, but then between January and July 1923, Dr. Charles Coutela performed three operations which restored the artist’s sight, but with the side effect of adversely altering his perception of color. 
Various corrective lenses were tried—one set rendered things too blue, another, too yellow. In early October Monet received a special pair of glasses from Germany. “Much to my surprise the results are very good,” he wrote Dr. Coutela on 21 October. “I can see green, red, and at last an attenuated blue” (Letter no. 2664). Trials with other lenses led to further improvement. On 20 November the artist wrote Joseph Durand-Ruel, “I’ve plunged into my work again and am having to make up for so much lost time… I’m working hard so that my Decorations will be ready on time” (Letter no. 2543; both quoted in R. Kendall, ed., Monet by Himself, London, 2004, p. 185). To André Barbier on 17 July 1925, he declared, “I am working as never before, I am satisfied with what I do…my only request would be to live to one hundred” (Letter no. 2609). 
“The new Le pont japonais pictures were a throwback to his first engagement with this aquatic paradise, but now on radically different terms,” Paul H. Tucker has explained. “Completely disregarding artistic decorum, Monet lathered the surfaces of these canvases with thick, wet paint, making the liquid medium appear to seethe and dance as if fired by some unseen power. These paintings are cauldrons of cacophonous color, trumpeting Monet’s daring and abandonment, while asserting the value of the unknown over the secure, the reckless over the refined” (Claude Monet, Late Work, exh. cat., Gagosian Gallery, New York, 2010, p. 36).
Jean-Pierre Hoschedé, Monet’s stepson, “noted that the Bridges with their ‘perfect tonalities’ had been produced a long time after the operation thanks to the ‘appropriate glasses’” (D. Wildenstein, cat. rais., op cit., 1996, vol. 4, p. 912). The surfaces of the Pont japonais series have been heavily worked, probably over a lengthy period of time, as Monet felt the need to put them aside and then take them up again, perhaps repeatedly, at times working from memory, and in the end brought them to the state in which we now know them, once the artist had the “appropriate glasses,” as Hoschedé described. And indeed, it has turned out, on account of this densely layered facture, the seething matière, the insistent palpability of these structures formed in paint—as much as for the emphatic color in these works—that artists of the post-Second World War generation were drawn to these compelling late canvases, including practitioners of pure painting associated with American Abstract Expressionism, European Tachisme and Art Informel, and turning eastward to Japan, the Gutai group.
Monet’s late work manifests the searching inwardness, the contemplation and acceptance of darkness and light in confronting the world and one’s fate within it, that are evidence of a profound personal struggle during which he attained the ultimate measure of mastery we now appreciate in his life and art. “The truth is simple,” he stated in conversation with Roger Marx. “My only virtue consists in subordination to instinct: because I have discovered the hidden powers of intuition and given them priority, I was able to identify with Creation and merge with it… Interpreters of my painting think that, in connection with reality, I have achieved the highest degree of abstraction and imagination. I would prefer it if they recognized in this the abandonment of my self” (“Les Nymphéas de M. Claude Monet,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, June 1909; in K. Sagner-Düchting, ed., Monet and Modernism, Munich, 2001, p. 29).

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

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A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

 

Lot 18. A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368); 10.9cm (4 2/8in) high. Estimate £ 6,000 - 8,000 (€ 7,000 - 9,300). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The compressed globular body raised on three short legs, the short neck culminating in a wide angled galleried rim, covered overall with a lavender glaze and irregular purple splashes, the feet left unglazed to reveal a buff-coloured stoneware body

Provenance: a distinguished English private collection.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

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A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

Lot 19. A Junyao purple-splashed tripod incense burner, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368); 11cm (4 3/8in) high. Estimate £ 4,000 - 6,000 (€ 4,600 - 7,000). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The compressed globular body rising from three short curving legs to a constricted neck and a flat everted mouth, flanked by high rectangular handles each enclosing a stylised chilong, applied with a milky-blue glaze dotted with purple splashes, paling to a light-brown tone at the rim and stopping short of the legs

Provenance: Roger Keverne Ltd., London
A distinguished English private collection.

Note: For related examples, see Illustrated Catalogue of Tokyo National Museum: Chinese Ceramics II, Tokyo, 1990, p.24, no.85; M.Tregear, Song Ceramics, p.134, no.163; and S.Lee and W.K.Ho, Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368), Cleveland, 1968, no.59, in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019


Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919) Le pêcheur à la ligne, 1874

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Lot 38 A. Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919), Le pêcheur à la ligne, signed 'Renoir.' (lower right) oil on canvas 21 ¼ x 25 5/8 in. (54.1 x 65.2 cm.) Painted in 1874. Estimate USD 8,000,000 - USD 12,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

ProvenanceThe artist; sale, Maître C. Pillet, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, 24 March 1875, lot 48. 
Georges Charpentier, Paris (acquired at the above sale); Estate sale, Maître P. Chevalier, Hôtel Drouot, Paris, 11 April 1907, lot 22.
Raymond Elois Tournon, Paris (acquired at the above sale).
Georgette Tournon-Charpentier, Paris (by descent from the above and then by descent); Estate sale, Christie, Manson & Woods, London, 6 July 1971, lot 30.
Mr. and Mrs. Nigel Broackes, London (acquired at the above sale); sale, Sotheby Parke Bernet & Co., London, 4 July 1979, lot 78.
Acquired at the above sale by the familly of the present owner.

LiteratureJ. Meier-Graefe, Auguste Renoir, Paris, 1912, p. 53.
L. Rebatet, "Une admirable galerie en vingt toiles des maîtres du XIXe siècle" in Le Petit Parisien, 10 June 1942, p. 2.
M. Drucker, Renoir, Paris, 1944, pp. 128, 151 and 184 (illustrated in color, pl. 45; dated 1877).
M. Robida, Le salon Charpentier et les impressionnistes, Paris, 1958, pp. 45-46 (illustrated, p. 40, pl. VIII; dated 1875).
F. Fosca, Renoir. His life and Work, Englewood Cliffs, 1962, p. 88 (titled The Angler). 
M. Bodelsen, "Early Impressionist Sales 1874-94 in the Light of Some Unpublished 'Procès-Verbaux’" in The Burlington Magazine, June 1968, vol. 110, no. 783, p. 335, no. 48.
F. Daulte, Auguste Renoir: Catalogue raisonné de l'oeuvre peint, figures, 1860-1890, Lausanne, 1971, vol. I, no. 103 (illustrated). 
F. Daulte, Renoir, New York, 1973, p. 76 (illustrated).
K. Wheldon, Renoir and His Art, New York, 1975, p. 68 (illustrated in color, pl. 48). 
W. Gaunt, Renoir, Oxford, 1982, no. 18 (illustrated in color; titled The Angler). 
B.E. White, Renoir: His Life, Art, and Letters, New York, 1984, p. 54 (illustrated). 
E. Fezzi and J. Henri, Tout l’œuvre peint de Renoir: Période impressionniste 1869-1883, Paris, 1985, no. 138 (illustrated; illustrated again in color, pl. XIV).
N. Wadley, Renoir: A Retrospective, London, 1987, p. 97 (illustrated in color, pl. 33). 
A. Distel, Impressionism: The First Collectors, New York, 1990, p. 143 (titled Fisherman). 
G. Néret, Renoir: Painter of HappinessNew York, 2001, p. 81 (illustrated in color).
G. P. and M. Dauberville, Renoir: Catalogue raisonné des tableaux, pastels, dessins et aquarelles, 1858-1881, Paris, 2007, p. 313, no. 263 (illustrated).

ExhibitedParis, Galerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie., Auguste Renoir, January-February 1900, no. 18.
Paris, Galerie Paul Rosenberg, Le grand siècle, June-July 1936, no. 46 (dated 1879).
Paris, Galerie Alfred Daber, Rétrospective des Maîtres du XIXe siècle, June 1942.
Paris, Galerie Charpentier, La vie familiale: Scènes et portraits, February 1944, no. 120 (illustrated). 
London, Christie, Manson & Woods International Inc., Fanfare for Europe: The British Art Market, January, 1973, p. 15, no. 73. 
London, Royal Academy of Arts, Impressionism: Its Masters, its Precursors, and its Influence in Britain, February-April 1974, p. 48, no. 98 (illustrated, p. 78, pl. XVIIIa).

Note:  This work will be included in the forthcoming Pierre-Auguste Renoir Digital Catalogue Raisonné, currently being prepared under the sponsorship of the Wildenstein Plattner Institute, Inc. 

An emerald-toned mirage of soft color and shimmering light, Pierre-Auguste Renoir’s Le pêcheur à la ligne was painted in 1874, a momentous year that witnessed the birth of Impressionism. Likely painted in the summer of this seminal year, while Renoir was working with his friend Claude Monet at his home in Argenteuil, this painting shows the artist working en plein air, using swift, spontaneous brushstrokes to capture an immersive impression of this idyllic corner of the landscape, evoking the soft light, hazy warmth and gentle reverie of this summers’ day. 
Picturing a well-dressed couple enjoying the rural French countryside, here Renoir achieves a masterful synthesis of figure and landscape, bathing both of these components in a vaporous light and conveying them in a palette of harmonious, fresh color. One of a small series of works of this time, all of which present couples within the secluded landscape, Le pêcheur à la ligne sees Renoir conceive a new kind of genre of painting, transforming the classical subject of the pastoral idyll into modern times and portraying it with a radical new pictorial language. Exhibited in public shortly after its completion at the inaugural Impressionist auction, held at Hôtel Drouot in March 1875, this painting was the very first Renoir acquired by the publisher, Georges Charpentier, who would become the artist’s greatest patron and lifelong friend. 
The summer of 1874 was a crucial moment in the history of Impressionism. A few months earlier, Renoir, along with Monet, Degas, Pissarro and Morisot, as well as a number of other artists, had exhibited together for the first time in what would become known as the First Impressionist Exhibition. Held in the former studios of the experimental photographer Nadar, the landmark exhibition included a range of work in various media and was the very first time that a group of artists had joined together to exhibit their work independently from the state-sanctioned Salon system. 
Following this epoch-making show, Monet returned to his home in Argenteuil, the picturesque Parisian suburb that sat on the banks of the Seine. Soon joined by Renoir, as well as Manet, together these artists consolidated their newly showcased Impressionist style, painting en plein air, often side by side as they continued to forge ahead with their radical new techniques and subject matter. Frequently sharing subjects, these artists occasionally painted each other throughout this period of fruitful artistic exchange. Both Manet and Renoir painted Monet’s wife Camille sitting in a garden with her son, Jean; and Manet also painted Monet and Camille aboard the artist’s studio boat. It has been suggested that in the present work, Renoir also used Monet and Camille as his models, picturing them here as Parisians enjoying a day of leisure in the unspoilt suburbs of Paris. 
Though they were working closely during this pivotal summer of 1874, Renoir, Monet and Manet continued to pursue their own artistic interests and distinctive styles. Unlike Monet, who was at this time focusing primarily on the landscape itself, depicting the river and the surrounding environs, Renoir remained committed to his impressions of figures within the landscape, portraying scenes of modern life—of which Le pêcheur à la ligne is a key example—that involved both pictorial aspects. As Christopher Riopelle has written of these works, “The pleasure to be derived from sunshine, open water, conversation and the quiet and informal rhythms of summer life are all manifest here” (Renoir Landscapes 1865-1883, exh. cat., The National Gallery of Art, London, 2007, p. 142). 
Capturing in a single composition the reflections of light upon the water, the nuances in pose and gesture of the two figures, as well as the dappled sunshine across the verdant setting, Renoir has in the present work achieved a seamless integration of these separate aspects into a single whole. Each compositional component is depicted with the same handling, a wholly radical and entirely new approach to painting. This technique stood at the heart of Impressionism, as Renoir and his fellow artistic pioneers sought not to render nature with specific, stultifying detail, but to instead capture the overall sensation of the landscape, the fleeting changes of light and atmosphere. Myriad strokes of color—some staccato, sparkling upon the surface of the canvas, with others softly blended—dance across the surface of the canvas, which appears almost abstract in places, particularly in the foreground, where the stippled greens of the verdant riverbank merges with the glistening droplets of water that fall from the fishing rod. The woman’s dress is rendered in a symphony of broad white strokes interspersed with shimmers of blue shadow, all of which glisten amidst the tapestry of soft tones that surround her; while the trousers of her male companion seem almost to dissolve into the setting, painted with the same exuberant brushwork as the rest of the scene. Yet, Renoir never loses the lyrical delicacy that characterizes the greatest of his paintings. Amidst this luminous array of color, he has captured a number of nuanced details: the man’s boating hat and gleaming white shirt cuffs, as well as the dark shadows that define his jacket. 
The presence of the two figures in Le pêcheur à la ligne adds an interesting narrative to the composition. Combining the influence of the idyllic Rococo garden scenes of Fragonard and Watteau, as well as Manet’s renowned Le Déjeuner sur l’herbe (Wildenstein, no. 67; Musée d’Orsay, Paris), the present work is one of a small series of paintings from this period, all of which feature a couple within a secluded, rural setting (Dauberville nos. 257 and 264). Indeed, one of these, La Tonnelle, (Dauberville no. 266; Portland Museum of Art, Maine) depicts a woman wearing the same white dress, flower-adorned straw hat and just visible bright red shoes as in Le pêcheur à la ligne. Seemingly alone amidst this quiet spot, the lovers’ intimate relationship is clear, and yet, the young woman is unmarried and also unchaperoned, facts that in late 19th-century France would have made this scene somewhat shocking to a contemporary audience. If the present work is regarded in the same context, the same enigma befalls the couple’s relationship. Unlike Manet’s purposefully provocative Le Déjeuner sur l’herbe however, Renoir’s depictions of couples enjoying the countryside together are altogether more innocent, thanks primarily to the fluid handling, soft colors and picturesque compositions. It is, in Riopelle’s words, this “combination of the light-hearted and the revolutionary—both in subject matter and technique—[that] is unique to Renoir” (ibid., p. 154).  
While the First Impressionist Exhibition of 1874 had attracted the attention of critics and the public alike, financially it was far from a success. As a means to make some much needed sales, as well as to continue the exposition of the group’s work, the Impressionists organized a series of auctions held at Hôtel Drouot, the leading auction house in Paris at this time. It was Renoir who supposedly conceived the unusual though not entirely unprecedented idea of holding an Impressionist auction at Drouot in 1875 (see M. Bodelsen, “Early Impressionist Sales 1874-94 in the light of some unpublished ‘procès verbaux’” in The Burlington Magazine, vol. 110, no. 783, pp. 330-349). 
And so, on 24 March 1875, with the dealer Paul Durand-Ruel serving as the expert, Renoir together with Monet, Morisot and Sisley held the first Impressionist auction, which was also the very first time that these Impressionists were shown together in isolation. The public reaction to the sale was extreme and at times even riotous; “The fine arts students even paraded by in single file to demonstrate against our painting,” Renoir recalled, “and the intervention of the city police was necessary. From that day on, we had our defenders, and, even better, our patrons” (quoted in B.E. White, Renoir: His Life, Art, and Letters, New York, 2010, p. 54). 
While the prices that the artists’ work fetched were low, the sale was enormously successful in exposing the Impressionists to a new group of collectors and patrons. Along with Durand-Ruel, who bought eighteen paintings, including Renoir’s Pont neuf (Dauberville no. 118, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.)—one of twenty works by the artist included in the sale—several now famed Impressionist supporters made their first Impressionist purchases at this seminal auction. One of these was the young publisher, Georges Charpentier, who purchased the present Le pêcheur à la ligne for just 180 francs, as well as two other works by Renoir. After buying these paintings, Charpentier sought to meet the artist, and, following this initial encounter, the pair quickly became lifelong friends. Charpentier and his wife would become Renoir’s most important and influential patrons and Le pêcheur à la ligne remained in their legendary collection until 1907.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919) La Seine à Argenteuil, 1888

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Lot 27 A. Pierre-Auguste Renoir (1841-1919) La Seine à Argenteuil, signed and dated 'Renoir 88' (lower left) oil on canvas 21 ½ x 25 ¾ in. (54 x 65 cm.) Painted in 1888. Estimate USD 3,000,000 - USD 5,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019.

Provenance: Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paris (acquired from the artist, 30 January 1892).
Durand-Ruel Galleries, New York (acquired from the above, by March 1892).
Sam Salz, New York (acquired from the above, 11 November 1943).
Carroll Carstairs Gallery, New York. 
M. Knoedler & Co., Inc., New York (acquired from the above, 25 September 1945).
Mr. and Mrs. Frank Altschul, New York (acquired from the above, December 1945 and until at least 1974).
The Lefevre Gallery (Alex. Reid & Lefevre), London.
The Pace Gallery, New York (April 1987). 
Acquired from the above by the present owner, June 1987.

LiteratureE. Fezzi, Tout l'oeuvre peint de Renoir: Période impressioniste 1869-1883, Paris, 1985, p. 114, no. 601 (illustrated).
G.-P. Dauberville and M. Dauberville, Renoir: Catalogue raisonné des tableaux, pastels, dessins et aquarelles, 1882-1894, Paris, 2009, vol. II, p. 90, no. 834 (illustrated).

ExhibitedNew York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Paintings by Pierre Auguste Renoir, November-December 1908, no. 24.
New York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Paintings by Renoir, February-March 1912, no. 5.
New York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Paintings by Claude Monet and Pierre Auguste Renoir, December 1915, no. 13.
New York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Paintings by Renoir, January 1917, no. 17.
New York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Paintings by Renoir, February 1920, no. 22.
New York, Durand-Ruel Galleries, Marine Subjects by French Artists, January 1925, no. 14.
Paris, Galerie Durand-Ruel et Cie., Paysage par Claude Monet, Camille Pissarro, Renoir & Sisley, January 1933, no. 30. 
Paris, Musée de l'Orangerie, Renoir, 1933, p. 38, no. 86. 
New York, Carroll Carstairs Gallery, Six Impressionists, April-May 1945, no. 15.
New York, Wildenstein & Co. Inc., Loan Exhibition Renoir, for the Benefit of the Citizens' Committee for Children of New York City, Inc., April-May 1958, p. 64, no. 50 (illustrated).
New York, Wildenstein & Co. Inc., Renoir: The Gentle Rebel, a Loan Exhibition for the Benefit of the Association for Mentally Ill Children, October-November 1974, no. 45 (illustrated).

NoteThis work will be included in the forthcoming Pierre-Auguste Renoir Digital Catalogue Raisonné, currently being prepared under the sponsorship of the Wildenstein Plattner Institute, Inc. 

The late 1880s and early 1890s represent a watershed period in Renoir’s career. In the opening weeks of 1887, the artist put the finishing touches on Les grandes baigneuses (Philadelphia Museum of Art), a manifesto of the linear, Ingresque style that he had begun to develop three years earlier. He had high hopes for the monumental painting of five nymphs, which he had planned over some twenty preliminary studies. His goal, he told his friend and patron Paul Bérard, was to “beat Raphael” (quoted in B.E. White, Renoir: His Life, Art, and Letters, New York, 1984, p. 166). When the painting was exhibited in May at the Galerie Georges Petit, however, critical response was emphatically negative. Only Octave Mirbeau remained steadfast in his support: “The composition is exquisite,” he proclaimed, “despite or rather because of the precise drawing à la Ingres that the artist audaciously sought. Everything betrays accomplished research and the brilliant effort to create something new” (quoted in A. Distel, Renoir, New York, 2010, p. 249).
After brooding throughout the fall over his discouraging reception at Petit, Renoir rebounded with vigor in early 1888. “I’m very pleased with myself,” he wrote to Bérard in February. “I have some interesting things started and I’m determined to finish them” (quoted in B.E. White, op. cit., 1984, p. 178). He began to travel again widely, seeking inspiration in the richly colored art of Titian, Rubens, and the French Rococo, and he soon renounced the cool tones, dry surface, and hard-edged contours of Les grandes baigneuses. “I have taken up again, never to abandon it, my old style, soft and light of touch,” he explained to the dealer Durand-Ruel. “It’s nothing new, but rather a follow-up to the paintings of the eighteenth century. This is to give you some idea of my new and final manner of painting (like Fragonard, but not so good). Those fellows who give the impression of not painting nature knew more about it than we do” (quoted in J. House and M. Lucy, Renoir in the Barnes Foundation, New Haven, 2012, p. 121).
In 1888 two visits to artist friends were among the journeys Renoir made. First, at the beginning of the year, he travelled to Aix-en-Provence, where he painted alongside Paul Cézanne. While the two men shared little in terms of character—vivacious, sociable Renoir and irascible, solitary Cézanne—they had formed a strong bond across twenty years of common experience. Later in the year, over the course of the summer, Renoir and his family enjoyed two extended stays with Gustave Caillebotte in Petit Gennevilliers on the banks of the river Seine, across the river from Argenteuil on the western outskirts of Paris. The urbane Caillebotte, who had supported the Impressionist group during its most straitened times in the 1870s, owned a comfortable home in the small town, the perfect base from which to indulge his love of boating. Caillebotte, in fact, was to become one of the most influential sailors in France, a skilled boat designer, the financial backer of several important associations and publications dedicated to yachting, and co-president of the Cercle de la Voile sailing club in Paris, for which in 1892 he sponsored Paul Signac’s application for membership.
The present work, La Seine à Argenteuil, is one of a group of five celebrated oils of Argenteuil, all of which were painted in the summer of 1888 during Renoir’s stay with Caillebotte. Indeed, the dark-hulled boat in the present work can be identified as Mouquette, a yacht belonging to Renoir’s host. Each of the paintings in this series depicts various sailing and boating motifs. Reminiscent of Renoir’s 'high impressionist' phase of the mid 1870s, the rich and atmospheric colors of this composition are applied with vigorous brushstrokes, creating emphatic contrasts between warm and cool hues. The vibrant color scheme and patterns created by the fluid movements of the brush echo the manner of eighteenth-century French masters, such as Jean-Honoré Fragonard and Jean-Antoine Watteau, whose style was greatly admired by Renoir. Painted in the late summer, the present canvas possesses an air of rural tranquility disturbed only by the wind; the free brushstrokes used to apply various shades of blue, white, bright orange and green accentuate the ripples expanding across the surface of the water. The bold color contrasts are noticeable above all in the glimmering reflections of the orange-red features of the sailing boats in the bright blue waters of the river Seine. The treatment of reflections remains approximate, as in Renoir’s earlier works, creating an effect of luminous sunlight and gentle ebb and flow of the current. The pastoral effect of the scene is further highlighted by Renoir omitting any reference to the thriving industry which had established itself in the areas surrounding Argenteuil and Petit Gennevilliers, keeping with his distaste for modern machinery and industrial activity.
Landscape remained a central pursuit for Renoir throughout his career. Though known primarily for his figurative works, a result in part of his decision to present only works of this type to the annual Salon exhibitions, for Renoir the depiction of the landscape in its purest form offered him a means to experiment more freely with line, colour and form. As a result of this more liberated mode of expression, his works of this genre are often varied in terms of style and paint handling. "Landscape is useful for a figure painter," Renoir once explained. "In the open air, one feels encouraged to put on the canvas tones that one couldn’t imagine in the subdued light of the studio" (Renoir, quoted in J. House and M. Lucy, op. cit., New Haven & London, 2012, p. 217). Unlike Monet who sought to convey the topography of a particular location, rendering panoramic cloud-filled skies or the nuanced reflections on water, for example, Renoir was more interested in capturing the overall atmosphere of the natural scene in front of him.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

A pair of Junyao glazed dishes, 12th-13th century

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A pair of Junyao glazed dishes, 12th-13th century

Lot 20. A pair of Junyao glazed dishes, 12th-13th century. Each 17cm (6 3/4in) diam. Estimate £ 3,000 - 5,000 (€ 3,500 - 5,800). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Each elegantly potted with shallow sides supported on a carefully-cut foot, applied overall with a greyish-blue glaze thinning to a mushroom tone at the rim

Provenance: Sydney L. Moss Ltd., London, purchased on 3 January 1957
A distinguished English private collection and thence by descent.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

A Junyao lavender-glazed saucer-dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127)

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A Junyao lavender-glazed saucer-dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127)

Lot 21. A Junyao lavender-glazed saucer-dish, Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127); 16.2cm (6 2/8in) diam. Estimate £2,500 - 3,500 (€ 2,900 - 4,100). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Potted with shallow rounded sides supported on a short foot, covered overall with a lavender-blue glaze, thinning to a buff tone at the rim and stopping short of the foot to reveal the brown body

ProvenanceRoger Keverne Ltd., Winter Exhibition 2001, London, no.43
A distinguished English private collection.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

Balthus (1908-2001), Thérèse sur une banquette, 1939

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Lot 8 A. Balthus (1908-2001), Thérèse sur une banquette, signed and dated 'Balthus 1939' (lower left), oil on board, 28 5/8 x 36 ¼ in. (72.7 x 91.9 cm.) Painted in 1939. Estimate USD Estimate USD 12,000,000 - USD 18,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019. 

ProvenanceFrank Perls, Beverly Hills (acquired from the artist, 1962). 
Acquired from the above by the late owners, April 1962.

LiteratureJ. Leymarie, Balthus, New York, 1982, p. 130 (illustrated; titled Thérèse Lying on a Bench). 
Balthus, exh. cat., Musée national d'art moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, 1984, p. 349, no. 56 (illustrated).
V. Monnier and J. Clair, Balthus: Catalogue Raisonné of the Complete Works, New York, 1999, p. 136, no. P 121 (illustrated, p. 137).
J. Clair, Balthus, New York, 2001, p. 264, no. 60 (illustrated in color, p. 267). 
R. Bouvier, Balthus, exh. cat., Fondation Beyeler, Basel, 2018, p. 121 (illustrated in color, p. 120).

Exhibited: The Arts Club of Chicago, Balthus, September-October 1964, no. 10 (illustrated). 
Berkeley, University Art Museum, Balthus: Matrix, November-December 1980 (illustrated). 
Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Monet to Matisse: French Art in the Southern California Collections, June-August 1991, p. 133 (illustrated in color; titled Interior). 
Venice, Palazzo Grassi, Balthus, September 2001-January 2002, p. 264, no. 60 (illustrated in color, p. 267; with incorrect support). 
New York, The Metropolitan Museum, Balthus: Cats and Girls, September 2013-January 2014, p. 88, no. 13 (illustrated in color on the cover; illustrated in color again, p. 89; titled Thérèse on a Bench Seat and with incorrect support).

Note: In late 1935 Balthus met Thérèse Blanchard, who lived several blocks from Balthus’s studio at 3, cour de Rohan. Thérèse’s appearance was unconventional, but she “had the grave and moody look that appealed to [Balthus],” writes Sabine Rewald, who selected the present work for the cover of the catalogue of the 2013 “Cats and Girls” exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. In his first portrait of Thérèse, painted in 1936 (Monnier and Clair, no. P 95), Balthus concentrated on her “serious mien” (exh. cat., op. cit., 2013, pp. 8 and 68). He similarly depicted her two years later (P 118; illustrated here). Thérèse sur une banquette, which dates from 1939, is the culminant image in what would be regarded as the most brilliant series of Balthus’s career, considered by Rewald to be “among his finest works” (ibid., pp. 7-8). “The paintings of Thérèse show Balthus at the apogee of his strength,” Nicholas Fox Weber has stated (Balthus, New York, 1999, pp. 388-389). Of Balthus’s ten portraits of Thérèse, five are acknowledged masterpieces, four of which are in museums. Thérèse sur une banquette is the fifth. 
A sibling or school-mate posed with Thérèse for Frère et soeur in 1936 (Monnier and Clair, no. P 94). Her brother Hubert, two years older, appears with her in Les enfants Blanchard, 1937 (no. P 100); both their names are recorded on the reverse of the canvas. Picasso, by then the world’s most famous living artist, purchased the latter painting from the dealer Pierre Colle in 1941. “You’re the only painter of your generation who interests me,” Balthus recalls Picasso having told him. “The others try to make Picassos. You never do” (quoted in Vanished Spendors: A Memoir, New York, 2001, pp. 9-10). 
Balthus last portrayed Thérèse in the present painting, seated on the banquette in which she appears in two earlier full-figure portraits (Monnier and Clair, nos. P 101 and P 112). At one time he envisioned a larger composition—perhaps on the scale of Les enfants Blanchard or even larger—the conception of which is known only from a loosely brushed study on a medium-sized board, painted earlier in 1939, Trois personnages dans un intérieur (no. P 122; sold, Sotheby’s London, 25 June 2009, lot 240). The three figures in the high-ceilinged interior—likely set in Balthus’s cour de Rohan studio—are Thérèse leaning back on the bench seat (as seen in the present painting), Hubert standing, his knee propped on a chair, gazing out the window, and their mother, Madame Blanchard, viewed from the side, resting in an armchair placed before a table. Three of four known preparatory drawings for this interior scene focus on Hubert.
Partly reclining on the banquette and turned to her left, Thérèsein the present painting dangles a string from her raised hand. In the smaller, three-figure essay, this string is attached to a ball.  A kitten—not shown here—rears up and attempts to grasp the ball. In dispensing with the ball and cat in this picture, Balthus avoided the anecdotal distraction of the creature captured in stop-motion, as one might enjoy in a sentimental genre scene. The figure of the girl alone instead evokes a deeper sense of myth. Thérèse becomes an exemplar of l’éternel féminin, one of the ancient fates, said to measure and determine man’s thread of life.
In Thérèse sur une banquette, Balthus attended to the primarily professional, compositional concerns he had in mind—he aimed to depict the figure of his model in a novel, unique posture, one with neither a familiar nor apparent precedent. He moreover sought to evoke the inner world of her reality with a sense of presence that was outwardly and convincingly grounded in the mechanics of movement, while exalting the architecture of the figure. “The portrait of Thérèse on a Bench is caught in the sort of delicate balance that cannot last for more than a moment,” Jean Clair has written  (V. Monnier and J. Clair, op. cit., 1999, p. 38).
Indeed, Thérèse displays the acrobatic ease and grace of the young girl saltimbanque in Picasso’s Rose period Acrobate à la boule, 1905 (Zervos, vol. 1, no. 290; Pushkin State Museum of Fine Art, Moscow). Balthus’s treatment of Thérèse recalls the gentle poetry of Picasso’s Rose period, even if rendered in a technique more like that of the 19th-century masters Courbet and Corot. A token of the rose tonality is here in evidence; “no reproduction can convey the unusual color of Thérèse’s sweater,” Rewald has commented, “which mingles red with shades of pumpkin and orange” (exh. cat., op. cit., 2013, p. 88).
Picasso surely appreciated Balthus’s mastery of the unusual pose, which lends Les enfants Blanchard, the painting he chose for his own collection, its visual novelty and charm, qualities that Thérèse sur une banquette shares with the earlier picture. Her poses in both pictures comprise a trapezoidal shape, which forms the base for a classic, Renaissance conception of a pyramidal composition. The pinnacle of this pyramid in the present painting is Thérèse’s upraised hand; in the room with her brother, his head in profile at the top center edge of the canvas. The artist also incorporates as a constructive means the diagonal emphasis characteristic of Baroque painting. Balthus invested the figures in both compositions with carefully plotted contrapposto, while also employing contrasts of bodily form with the geometry of furniture, and reiterations of formal elements, such as the arching of elbows and knees. From such imbalance and asymmetry Balthus created a configuration of parts that is sprawling and dynamic—yet stable, harmonized and whole. 
Balthus prided himself on his thoughtful, patient, and methodical technique, traditional qualities in perception and execution from which, he believed, modern painting had irrecoverably strayed. “Modern society can never imagine painting’s unsuspected requirements,” he lamented. “If one wants to enter into painting and arrive at painting’s heart, these demands and deliberation must be accepted, but contemporary painters cannot resolve to do so… If we could return to Giotto’s deliberation, Masaccio’s exactitude, and Poussin’s precision!...Real modernity is in the reinvention of the past, in refoundoriginality based on experience and discoveries” (quoted in J. Clair, op. cit., 2001, pp. 77 and 81).  
Thérèse sur une banquette was fittingly his last tribute to Thérèse and perhaps his last painting before the onset and dislocations of war, rendering the timelessness and mythical suggestion of the fates in Thérèse’s suspended string all the more poignant. On 1 September 1939, Nazi Germany invaded Poland. Balthus, having already done his initial, obligatory military service, was called up for duty the next day. On 3 September, France and Great Britain, as per treaty with the Warsaw government, declared war on Germany. Accounts of the artist’s war experience vary; a leg injury led to his early demobilization in December 1939. After living in the Savoie, in the unoccupied zone following the fall of France, Balthus and his wife Antoinette moved to her native Switzerland, where they spent the remainder of the war. By the time Balthus returned to Paris in 1946, his young muse from the rue de Seine had married and relocated to a different neighborhood in Paris. Thérèse died in 1950 at age 25 from an unknown cause.
The finest works of the series each had eminent private stewards before entering public collections: Pablo Picasso (who acquired his example in 1941; Musée Picasso); Lindy and Edwin Bergman, pioneering collectors of Surrealist art and Cornell boxes (acquired 1963; The Art Institute of Chicago); Mr. and Mrs. Allan D. Emil, who remade the New York University campus with their gift of Picasso’s monumental “Bust of Sylvette” in 1968 (acquired 1958; The Metropolitan Museum of Art) and Jacques and Natasha Gelman, whose magnificent bequest to the Met in 1998, including their portrait of Thérèse, represented the largest the museum had then received (acquired 1979). Thérèse sur une banquette was acquired by the Sherwoods from Balthus via dealer Frank Perls in Paris in 1962 and has remained in their collection ever since.

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

A Cizhou painted 'floral' vase, yuhuchunping, Jin Dynasty (1115-1234)

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A Cizhou painted 'floral' vase, yuhuchunping, Jin Dynasty (1115-1234)

Lot 14. A Cizhou painted 'floral' vase, yuhuchunping, Jin Dynasty (1115-1234); 29.5cm (11 5/8in) high. Estimate £ 5,000 - 7,000 (€ 5,800 - 8,100). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

The vase well potted with a pear-shaped body and waisted neck, applied on the exterior with a cream-white slip and a transparent glaze picked out in dark iron-brown with two bands depicting stylised floral sprays separated by a double fillet around the centre and two triple-line borders at the neck, the glaze falling short above the base revealing the buff-coloured body at the foot, the underside painted with a collector's stock number painted on the base

 

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

"Royaumes oubliés. De l’empire hittite aux Araméens" au Musée du Louvre

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Photo de fouille du site de Tell Halaf © Fondation Max Freiherr von Oppenheim / Rheinisch-Westfälisches Wirtschaftsarchiv, Cologne.

Cette exposition exceptionnelle invite à redécouvrir les sites mythiques des civilisations oubliées des états néo-hittites et araméens. L’empire hittite, grande puissance rivale de l’Égypte antique, domina l’Anatolie et étendit son influence sur le Levant, jusqu’aux alentours de 1200 av. J.-C. Sa chute donna lieu à l’émergence de royaumes néo-hittites et araméens dans les territoires de la Turquie et la Syrie modernes, héritiers des traditions politiques, culturelles et artistiques de l’empire hittite.

L’exposition présente, pour la première fois en France, les vestiges de Tell Halaf, site majeur du patrimoine syrien . Le baron allemand Max von Oppenheim fouilla ce site situé près de l’actuelle frontière turcosyrienne, entre 1911 et 1913 et y découvrit le palais du roi araméen Kapara. Les  sculptures monumentales qui ornaient ce palais furent ramenées à Berlin et exposées en 1930. Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, elles connurent un destin tragique et furent très fortement endommagées dans les bombardement. Un incroyable travail de restauration mené par le Pergamon museum au début des années 2000 a permis de reconstituer ces sculptures à partir des 27.000 pièces retrouvées.

À l’entrée de l’exposition est présentée une œuvre de l’artiste contemporain libanais Rayyane Tabet, intitulée ORTHOSTATES, 2017. Cet arrière-petit-fils de Faek Borkhoche, le secrétaire de Max von Oppenheim propose de découvrir les dessins de 32 des 194 orthostates, ces grandes dalles en calcaire ou en basalte aux décors fantastiques de génies, d’animaux, de divinités, de scènes de guerre ou de chasse découverts sur le palais ouest de Tell Halaf. Aujourd’hui, et après des événements historiques conflictuels, certains de ces décors ont été perdus, détruits ou dispersés.

L’histoire de cette collection est un témoignage saisissant des efforts continuels pour préserver le patrimoine en péril. Le Louvre s’est fortement engagé dans cette mission, notamment dans les pays en situation de conflit, en mobilisant la communauté internationale et, tout récemment, en participant à la création, en 2017, d’ALIPH (Alliance internationale pour la protection du patrimoine dans les zones de conflit).

En lien avec l’exposition, « un week-end avec Agatha Christie » est organiséà l’auditorium du Louvre, avec un spectacle, des visites guidées ou contées, une conférence et une projection. La célèbre romancière est moins connue pour la place pourtant importante qu’a tenue l’archéologie dans sa vie. En 1930, elle se rend à Ur (Irak actuel) où elle fait la connaissance de l’archéologue Max Mallowan, qu’elle épouse. Elle partagera dès lors son temps entre l’écriture et les chantiers de fouilles, qui inspireront plusieurs de ses romans dont Meurtre en Mésopotamie, Le Crime de l’Orient-Express et Rendez-vous à Bagdad.

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Figurine pendeloque représentant un Dieu Hittite debout en attitude de la marche, Hittite impérial, vers 1600-1200 avant J.-C., Turquie, Yozgat. Or. © Musée du Louvre, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Raphaël Chipault

 Vie et mort de L’Empire hittite, la grande puissance rivale de l’Egypte

À son apogée à la fin du IIe millénaire avant notre ère, l’Empire hittite est une puissance considérable, capable de rivaliser avec la Babylonie ou l’Égypte. Le roi hittite Mursili Ier pille Babylone en 1595 avant notre ère et met fin au règne des derniers successeurs de Hammourabi. En 1274 avant J.-C., les Hittites affrontent Ramsès II lors de la célèbre bataille de Qadesh, relatée dans de grands cycles narratifs égyptiens et le poème de Pentaour, dont le Louvre possède un exemplaire sur papyrus.

L’Empire hittite à son apogée est évoqué dans l’exposition grâce à des œuvres majeures de l’époque impériale provenant du pays hittite et des colonies syriennes : Ougarit, Emar, etc. Enfin vient la chute de l’empire et les bouleversements qui mettent fin à la civilisation palatiale du Levant à la fin du bronze récent.

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Figurine représentant une déesse assise, Empire hittite, Vers 1500-1300 avant J.-C. ; provient du centre de l'Anatolie. Or. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

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Rhyton en argent en forme de cerf, Empire hittite, Vers 1500-1300 avant J.-C., Turquie, argent massif ciselé or. © New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

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Sceau de Tarkoumoua, Roi de Mera. © The Walters Art Museum Baltimore.

Les états néo-hittites et araméens

Les Etats néo-hittites et araméens sont des entités politiques nées des ruines de l’empire en Anatolie et en Syrie, dont les plus proches, politiquement, de l’ancien pouvoir sont Karkemish et Malatya.

La ville de Karkemish était la plus importante colonie hittite en pays syrien. C’était avec Alep l’un des deux sièges de vice-royauté de l’empire. Au début de l’âge du fer, les anciens gouverneurs deviennent des rois dont les magnifiques décors urbains seront évoqués par un choix de sculptures et des moulages. Grâce à des prêts exceptionnels accordés par le British Museum, l’exposition présente quelques très beaux moulages des reliefs monumentaux qui rythmaient la voie processionnelle de Karkémish, une cité de première importance dès le IIIe millénaire, jusqu’à sa destruction en 605 avant notre ère par le roi babylonien Nabuchodonosor.

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Tête colossale de Katuwas souverain de Karkemish. Département des Antiquités Orientales, musée du Louvre© Musée du Louvre, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais Philippe Fuzeau.

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Tête de lion provenant de la base de la statue de Katuwas de Karkémish, Londres, The British Museum © The Trustees of the British Museum.

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Collection de 38 ornements Karkemische. © The Trustees of the British Museum

Malatya est une ville néo-hittite, dépendante de Karkemish, elle possède des décors sculptés (dont le style est proche de la période impériale), qu’ont révélés notamment les fouilles de l’archéologue français Louis-Joseph Delaporte (1874-1944).

Nous poursuivons sur le territoire anatolien avec le Tabal (l’héritier de l’ancien royaume hourrite du Kizzuwatna), Gurgum (situéà l’emplacement de l’actuelle Marash, où ont été retrouvées de nombreuses stèles funéraires, dont la très belle stèle de Tarhunpiya) et Tell Tayinat (la ville antique de Kunuluwa). L’écriture louvite hiéroglyphique est l’écriture privilégiée des grands reliefs syro-anatoliens. Le louvite provient du nom d’un peuple vivant à l’ouest du Hatti. L’origine de ce système d’écriture élaboré entre la fin du IIIe et le début du IIe millénaire qui demeure encore à ce jour une énigme, car il ne présente aucun lien avec l’écriture hiéroglyphique des Égyptiens. 

Plus au sud, on trouve les royaumes gouvernés par des souverains araméens qui se sédentarisent à cette époque et s’approprient l’héritage des hittites et des syriens de l’âge du bronze. Les sites majeurs sont Zincirli, dont l’impressionnante forteresse a livré un grand nombre de reliefs, aujourd’hui conservés à Istanbul et à Berlin. Le royaume prospère de Til Barsib, dont la stèle au dieu de l’orage est conservée au Louvre et enfin Hama où la culture hittite a perduréà l’époque araméenne et où ont été retrouvés les premières inscriptions en hiéroglyphes louvites.

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Stèle du roi Kilamuwa. ©  Staatliche Museen zu Berlin BPK

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Stèle du scribe Tarhunpiya représenté sur les genoux de sa mère, tenant l'écritoire et le faucon de chasse, époque néo-hittite, fin du 8e siècle av JC, Masrah, département des Antiquités orientales, musée du Louvre© Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN Grand Palais. F. Raux.

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Orthostate : Homme ailéà tête de lion, 9e siècle av J.-C., époque néo-hittite, Anatolie. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / image of the MMA.

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Relief avec une scène de chasse, le roi hittite Maradas en char poursuivant un cerf à la manière des rois d'Assyrien9e siècle av J.-C., époque néo-hittite, Turquie.  © Musée du Louvre/Dist RMN/Grand Palais Thierry Ollivier

La découverte du site exceptionnel de Tell Halaf par le Baron Max von Oppenheim

Le Pergamon museum de Berlin a consenti aux prêts exceptionnels de sculptures d’un palais de la ville antique de Guzana, capitale du royaume du Bit-Bahiani, appelé aussi Palê. Guzana a probablement été fondée au XIe siècle. C’est à ce moment qu’on y trouve les premières traces d’urbanisation mais la période de son épanouissement advient pendant le règne du roi Kapara, vers 890-870 av. J.-C.. Celui-ci a fait construire ou rénover une citadelle au nord du site, qui compte deux palais. C’est le palais ouest qui était décoré des impressionnantes sculptures découvertes par Max von Oppenheim. Des chambres funéraires installées près de la porte sud de la citadelle ont également livré de magnifiques vestiges comme la grande statue d’ancêtre que Max von Oppenheim surnommait sa « vénus ».  

Par ailleurs, il y découvrit 194 orthostates, dont la fonction première est de protéger la base des murs en briques crues des édifices. Leur décor fantastique extrêmement riche est hérité de l’art syro-anatolien et mésopotamiences qui présentait une alternance de dalles en calcaire peintes en rouge et en basalte noire.

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Orthostate avec un lion, Tell Halaf.© Pergamon museum BPK

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Statue de couple assis. Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin© BPK, Berlin, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais Olaf M. Tessmer.

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Tell Halaf, un site exceptionnel. © Fondation Max Freiherr von Oppenheim Rheinisch-Westfalisches Wirtschaftsarchiv Cologne

Les puissances voisines

Les puissances voisines des états néo-hittites et araméens : l’Urartu, la Phénicie, etc. présentèrent des traits culturels et artistiques communs. L’Assyrie tout en étant aussi l’héritière de ces royaumes, en causa la disparation. Les Assyriens ont conquis un par un les Etats néo-hittites et araméens et les ont absorbés dans leur empire. La culture assyrienne est alors marquée par celle des états néo-hittites et araméens. Cette influence marque aussi bien l’art monumental que les décors de meubles précieux.  La langue araméenne se répand également dans tout l’empire et devient la langue la plus courante au Proche-Orient à partir de cette époque et pour les siècles à venir. 

Les grands orthostates assyriens des palais de Nimrud, Khorsabad ou Ninive sont les héritiers de la sculpture monumentale syro-anatolienne qu’ils ont en outre influencée stylistiquement dans les derniers siècles avant la conquête assyrienne et la destruction de ces royaumes.

2 mai 2019 - 12 août 2019

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 Statue d’homme scorpion, Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin© BPK, Berlin, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais.

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Cerf paissant,  VIIIe siècle avant J.-C.© Musée du Louvre, Dist- RMN – Grand Palais / Raphael Chipault.

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Stèle funéraire du prêtre araméen Si'gabbor, début du VIIe siècle avant J.-C. département des Antiquités Orientales, musée du Louvre © Musée du Louvre

 


Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Claude à deux ans, 9 June 1949

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Lot 20 A. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Claude à deux ans, dated ‘9.6.49.’ (lower right); dated again and numbered '9.6.49. II' (on the reverse), oil on canvas, 51 1/8 x 38 in. (129.7 x 96.5 cm.) Painted on 9 June 1949. Estimate USD 12,000,000 - USD 18,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019. 

ProvenanceEstate of the artist.
Marina Picasso, Paris (by descent from the above).
Galerie Jan Krugier, Geneva (acquired from the above).
The Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art, Las Vegas (by 1999).
Gagosian Gallery, New York (acquired from the above). 
Acquired from the above by the present owner, 2000.

LiteratureC. Zervos, Pablo Picasso, Paris, 1965, vol. 15, no. 145 (illustrated, pl. 87).
N. Cox and D. Povey, A Picasso Bestiary, New York, 1995, p. 53 (illustrated in color, p. 52; titled Boy with a Horse on Wheels).
S.A. Wynn, The Bellagio Gallery of Fine Art: European and American Masters, Las Vegas, 1999, pp. 153-155 (illustrated in color, p. 152; titled Child with Horse on Wheels).

ExhibitedMunich, Haus der Kunst; Cologne, Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle; Frankfurt, Galerie im Städelschen Kunstinstitut and Kunsthaus Zürich, Pablo Picasso: Werke aus der Sammlung Marina Picasso, Eine Ausstellung zum hundertsten Geburtstag, February 1981-March 1982, p. 384, no. 242 (illustrated; titled Der zweijährige Claude und sein Holzpferd).
Venice, Centro di Cultura di Palazzo Grassi, Picasso: Opere dal 1895-1971 dalla Collecione Marina Picasso, May-July 1981, p. 275, no. 291 (illustrated; titled Enfant avec cheval à roulettes). 
Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria and Sydney, Art Gallery of New South Wales, Picasso: Works from the Marina Picasso Collection, July-December 1984, no. 150 (illustrated in color; titled Enfant avec cheval à roulette). 
Düsseldorf, Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen and Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, Picasso's World of Children September 1995-March 1996, p. 254, no. 128 (illustrated in color; titled Child with Wooden Horse). 
New York, Gagosian Gallery, Picasso and Françoise Gilot: Paris-Vallauris, 1943-1953, May-June 2012, pp. 122 and 360 (illustrated in color, p. 123; illustrated again in color, p. 360; titled Claude à deux ans avec son cheval à roulettes).

Note: “The baby—a boy—was born without difficulty on May 15, 1947,” Françoise Gilot, Picasso’s post-war lover and muse recalled of the birth of her first child. “Pablo wanted him to be named Pablo but since his first son had been named Paul—the French equivalent—I thought we should try something different. I remembered that Watteau’s teacher had been called Claude Gillot, and that he had done many paintings of harlequins, just as Pablo himself had, even before the Blue Period and long after, so we named the baby Claude” (Life with Picasso, New York, 1964, p. 160). Painted on 9 June 1949, Claude à deux ans is an exuberant, color-filled and tender portrait of Picasso’s second son, Claude that dates from a rare moment of contented familial bliss in the life of the artist. Living with Gilot in Vallauris in the south of France and enjoying a period of renewed artistic creativity, the pair had just welcomed their second child, Paloma, in April of this year. Over the next few years, Picasso’s two young children would come to dominate every aspect of his art, unleashing a new youthful exuberance as the artist observed, with often wondrous fascination and adoration, the everyday lives of his young family. Frequently pictured with a variety of toys and often in the same blue and white checked shirt, Claude is here portrayed with a toy horse on wheels that appears almost as tall as him. One of two paintings of this subject that Picasso painted the same day,Claude à deux ans is defined by its facets of vibrant, imagined color, evoking the fantastical world of play in which Claude inhabited. Picasso kept this work in his collection for the rest of his life, a reflection of the importance it clearly held for the artist. 
The planes of vibrant color that characterize this large canvas serve as a reflection of the deep sense of contentment the artist was enjoying at this time. Picasso had met Gilot, the beautiful, classically-featured young artist in 1943, during the long, dark years of the Occupation of Paris. Immediately beguiled by her independence, fresh vitality and beauty, Picasso pursued her and the pair’s relationship began a year later, in 1944. She moved in with the artist in 1946; her image and presence revivifying and rejuvenating Picasso’s work after the somber years of war. Living in La Galloise, their home in Vallauris in the south of France, the couple were soon happily ensconced in a peaceful domestic idyll, set under the sun of the Mediterranean.
In Claude à deux ans, Picasso places the viewer directly within his young son’s world. We regard Claude from a low viewpoint, as if sitting on the ground, seeing the world through his own eyes. “[Picasso] entered into their play,” Roland Penrose recalled of the artist’s life with his children, “and made them happy with dolls fashioned from scrap pieces of wood decorated with a few lines in colored chalk; or taking pieces of cardboard he tore out shapes of men and animals and colored them, giving them such droll expressions that they became fairy-tale characters not only for Claude and Paloma but for adults as well” (R. Penrose, Picasso: His Life & Work, London, 1958, p. 330). Unlike the paintings and drawings that Picasso had made of his first son, Paulo, in which the child is pictured in stiff costumes, or as a miniature adult, somber, posed and serious, his depictions of Claude and Paloma show the artist completely immersed in the magic of their world. Kirk Varnedoe has written, “Whether in recognition of a new age of permissive thinking about early childhood or out of a greater concern to absorb for himself some of the budding vitality of their youth, Picasso in the early 1950s doted on the childishness of Paloma and Claude; rather than imposing premature adulthood on them in his work, he often let their games, their toys, their own creations—as well as the mercurial intensity of their emotional life—inform his art” (K. Varnedoe, “Picasso’s Self-Portraits” in W. Rubin, ed., Picasso and Portraiture: Representation and Transformation, exh. cat., New York, 1996-1997, p. 160).
Picasso was particularly drawn to the toys that Claude and Picasso played with, capturing in his art a sense of the amazement that a child could find in the simplest things. The hobbyhorse had long featured in Picasso’s depictions of his children. Years prior to the present painting, Picasso had depicted his first son, Paulo both clutching a toy horse as well as riding one, and a few years later, Maya, his daughter with Marie-Thérèse Walter, is pictured in a sailor’s costume, clutching a doll in one hand and a figurine of a horse in the other. In the present work, Claude is accompanied by a hobby horse; indeed there are photographs of Claude with the rest of his family and a toy horse that date from a few years after the present work was painted. With its upturned mouth the horse—rendered in the same simplified, “Picassian” language that the artist used to portray his son—is transformed from an inanimate toy into a real animal, with Claude seemingly feeding his companion, happily immersed in a world of imagination and play. 
The toys and youthful ephemera which surrounded the artist and Gilot while their young children were growing up were not solely descriptive motifs that Picasso included in his portraits, but were for the artist, symbolic objects that embodied a youthfulness that he wished to harness for himself. “Even now, when Claude and Paloma have gone to spend their holidays with their father,” Gilot wrote in her biography of her time with Picasso, “Pablo has never let Claude return without taking at least one, sometimes more than one, article of clothing from his luggage. The first thing his father took was a new Tyrolean hat. After that there was a whole series of other hats… Another time it was a light-blue poplin raincoat… I finally became convinced that Pablo hoped by this method that some of Claude’s youth would enter into his own body. It was a metaphorical way of appropriating someone else’s substance, and in that way, I believe, he hoped to prolong his own life” (Gilot, op. cit., p. 232). Forever trying to defy the inexorable march of time, Picasso’s paintings of his children allowed him to inhabit a world of complete freedom and inhibition, something he wished to embody for himself and channel into the way he made his art. “When I was a child I could draw like Raphael,” he famously stated, “but it took me a lifetime to draw like a child” (quoted in H. Read in The Times, 26 October 1956).

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

 

A Junyao-glazed bowl, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

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A Junyao-glazed bowl, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)

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Lot 21. A Junyao-glazed bowl, Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368); 19.6cm (7 5/8in) diam. Estimate £ 2,500 - 3,500 (€ 2,900 - 4,100). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Well potted with rounded sides and a short straight foot, covered with a thick glaze of pale blue tone, thinning to an olive and greyish hue towards the extremities

Provenance: a European private collection.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Nu assis appuyé sur des coussins, 19 December 1964

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Lot 32. Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Nu assis appuyé sur des coussins, dated and numbered ’19.12. 64. III’ (on the reverse) oil on canvas 21 ¼ x 28 ¾ in. (54 x 73 cm.) Painted on 19 December 1964. Estimate USD 2,500,000 - USD 3,500,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019. 

ProvenanceEstate of the artist (until at least 1980). 
Private Collection, Europe.
Private Collection, United States.
PaceWildenstein, New York. 
Acquired from the above by the present owner, 14 December 1999.

LiteratureC. Zervos, Picasso, Paris, 1971, vol. 24, no. 337 (illustrated, pl. 132).

ExhibitedParis, Galerie Claude Bernard, Picasso: Peintures 1901-1971, June 1980, no. 42 (illustrated in color).

Note:

The stately presence of the subject in the present work, a model of stoic classicism, stands at the beginning of Picasso's great late phase. As if by presentiment and instinct, Pablo Picasso inaugurated the final decade of his career by concentrating his efforts on a theme that would encompass virtually every subject thread in his art thereafter, to the very end. He made the studio his stage, he cast himself and his wife Jacqueline as the players—an artist and his model. During 1963-1965, Picasso completed a series of paintings that depict a surrogate creator at work with or without his model. Many more show the model alone—nearly always nude, as she lounges on her plush divan in this canvas dated 19 December 1964.
Jacqueline was a compelling, but casual muse. She did not pose for this Nu assis; her presence around the house was inspiration enough to spark the artist’s sensual passions and fantasies, to set loose his Mercurial powers of creative imagination and pictorial invention. Picasso universalized Jacqueline in his art as l’éternel féminin. He invoked in this Nu assis a tradition that included Titian and Velázquez, Goya’s La Maja Desnuda, the odalisques of Ingres and Delacroix, and most lately, the art of his one-time rival and admitted sole peer, Henri Matisse. The Fauve contrasts of fiery reds and yellow against cool, pale tints of viridian and blue in this nude model’s figure emphatically suggest a nod to the latter. “When Matisse died [in 1954],” Picasso told Roland Penrose, “he left his odalisques to me as a legacy” (quoted in Picasso: His Life and Work, Berkeley, 1981, p. 396).
The sensual overtones in Picasso’s treatment of the nude are—like his handling of the paint itself—feverish, impulsive, and blatantly direct. The model awaits expectantly, her black eyes glaring, her alluring charms on open display. “For Matisse, the sex slid, disappeared in the thighs of the odalisque,” Hélène Parmelin observed. “The admirable nudes of Matisse have no sex, just as they have no glances. The nudes of Picasso have a glance and a sex. The sex of a nude is for him an essential part of the body whose reality he seeks” (Picasso: The Artist and His Model, New York, 1965, p. 158). 
From this moment of visual contact, the relationship between artist and model proceeds quickly to a point of consummation, in which the creative act and the sexual act are conjoined. “The more Picasso painted this theme,” Marie-Laure Bernadac explained, “the more he pushed the artist-model relationship towards its ultimate conclusion: the artist embraces his model, canceling out the barrier of the canvas and transforming the artist-model relationship into a man-woman relationship” (Late Picasso, exh. cat., The Tate Gallery, London, 1988, p. 77). As the late John Richardson wrote, Picasso had come “to see sex and art as metaphors for each other” (Pablo Picasso: Meeting in Montréal, exh. cat., Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, 1985, p. 90).

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Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

A Longquan celadon-glazed bowl, Song Dynasty (960-1279)

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A Longquan celadon-glazed bowl, Song Dynasty (960-1279)

Lot 22. A Longquan celadon-glazed bowl, Song Dynasty (960-1279); 12.7cm (5in) diam. Estimate £ 5,000 - 8,000 (€ 5,800 - 9,300). © Bonhams 2001-2019.

Elegantly potted with deep rounded sides supported on a straight foot, the exterior moulded with vertical ribs, all under a lustrous sea-green glaze

Provenance: a distinguished English private collection.

Bonhams. Fine Chinese Art, London, 16 May 2019

Henri Matisse (1869-1954) Nu à la fenêtre, 1929

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Lot 21 A. Henri Matisse (1869-1954) Nu à la fenêtre, signed and dated 'Henri. Matisse 1929' (lower left), oil on canvas, 25 ¾ x 21 ½ in. (65.3 x 54.5 cm.) Painted in Nice, 1929. Estimate USD 7,000,000 - USD 10,000,000. © Christie's Image Ltd 2019. 

ProvenanceGalerie Bernheim-Jeune et Cie., Paris (acquired from the artist, 13 September 1929). 
C.W. Kraushaar Art Galleries, New York (acquired from the above, 3 June 1930). 
Harry Stevenson Southam, Ottawa (acquired from the above, March 1939 and until at least 1944). 
Dalzell Hatfield Galleries, Los Angeles (by 1945). 
Vladimir Horowitz, New York (acquired from the above, by 1948). 
Mrs. Bertram Smith, New York. 
M. Knoedler & Co., Inc., New York (acquired from the above, January 1961). 
Acquired from the above by the late owner, 18 January 1961.

Literature: F. Fels, Henri Matisse, Paris, 1929 (illustrated, pl. 40; titled Nu nacré). 
R. Fry, Henri Matisse, Paris, 1930 (illustrated, pl. 40; titled Nude). 
"Modern French Paintings at Kraushaar and Harriman" in Parnassus, October 1930, vol. 2, no. 6, p. 18 (titled Nude in an Interior at Nice). 
C.J. Bulliet, The Significant Moderns and Their Pictures, New York, 1936, no. 95 (illustrated; titled At the Edge of the Sea). 
R. Kawashima, Matisse, Tokyo, 1936, p. 22 (illustrated; titled Nude Wearing a Necklace). 
T. Mokuhansha, Henri Matisse 1890-1939, Tokyo, 1939, p. 103 (illustrated, fig. 206; titled Nude Woman with Necklace). 
G. Diehl, Henri Matisse, Paris, 1954, pp. 83 and 155 (titled Nu près de la fenêtre)
J. Canaday, Mainstreams of Modem Art, New York, 1959, pp. 416-417, no. 502 (illustrated, p. 417). 
K. Antal, Matisse, Budapest, 1964 (illustrated, pl. 32). 
M. Luzi and M. Carrà, L'opera di Matisse, dalla rivolta fauve all'intimismo, 1904-1928, Milan, 1971, no. 463 (illustrated).
A.H. Barr, Jr., Matisse: His Art and His Public, New York, 1975, p. 215 (illustrated, p. 452; titled Nu près de la fenêtre). 
A. Davis, "Sutton Place Townhouse: Italian Designer Blends Fine Art and Décor" in Architectural Digest, December 1977, pp. 38-47 (illustrated in color in situ in Drue Heinz's home, p. 45). 
P. Schneider, M. Carrà and X. Derying, Tout l'oeuvre peint de Matisse, 1904-1928, Paris, 1982, p. 105, no. 463 (illustrated). 
P. Schneider, Matisse, London, 1984, p. 536. 
G.-P. and M. Dauberville, Matisse, Paris, 1995, vol. II, pp. 1302-1304, no. 694 (illustrated, p. 1302).

ExhibitedNew York, C.W. Kraushaar Art Galleries, Exhibition of Modern French Paintings, Watercolors and Drawings, October 1930, no. 13 (titled Nude in an Interior at Nice). 
Buffalo, Albright Art Gallery, Exhibition Commemorating the 25th Anniversary of the Opening of the Albright Art Gallery: A Group of French Paintings from Courbet Down to and Including the Contemporary Moderns, November-December 1930, p. 15, no. 36 (titled Nude in an Interior at Nice). 
Pittsburgh, Carnegie Institute, The 1934 International Exhibition of Contemporary Paintings, October-December 1934, no. 187 (illustrated, pl. 19; titled Nude in an Interior at Nice). 
The Art Gallery of Toronto, Loan Exhibition of Paintings Celebrating the Opening of the Margaret Eaton Gallery and the East Gallery, November 1935, p. 29, no. 182 (titled Nude in an Interior at Nice).
The Cleveland Museum of Art, 20th Anniversary Exhibition of the Cleveland Museum of Art, June-October 1936, p. 123, no. 326 (with inverted dimensions). 
Ohio, Toledo Museum of Art, Contemporary Movements in European Painting, November-December 1938, no. 69 (titled Nude in an Interior at Nice). 
Ottawa, The National Gallery of Canada, Catalogue of Paintings Lent by H.S. Southan, Esq., C.L.G., May-July 1944, no. 20 (titled On the Edge of the Sea). 
Los Angeles, Dalzell Hatfield Galleries, Originality in Modern French Art, July-August 1945, no. 1 (illustrated; titled by the Sea, Nice). 
Philadelphia Museum of Art, Henri Matisse: Retrospective Exhibition of Paintings, Drawings and Sculpture, Organized in Collaboration with the Artist, April-May 1948, p. 40, no. 71 (illustrated; titled Nude and dated 1928). 
Washington, D.C., National Gallery of Art, Matisse: The Early Years in Nice, 1916-1930, November 1986-March 1987, pp. 226 and 330, no. 166 (illustrated in color, p. 226, pl. 182; illustrated again, p. 330; titled Nu nacré).

NoteWanda de Guébriant has confirmed the authenticity of this work.

In 1926-1927, during his tenth working season at Nice, Matisse acquired two adjacent apartments that together comprised the entire top floor of 1, place Charles Félix, the neo-classical building in the heart of the old city where he had lived and worked, one story below, for the previous five years. After a lengthy period of renovations to combine the two flats, creating sufficient living space for his wife Amélie to join him on the Côte d’Azur, the sprawling residence was ready to occupy by mid-1928. Whereas Matisse’s studio in the third-floor apartment had been snug and heavily decorated, the new one was a veritable light chamber, with triple floor-length windows and a spacious balcony facing south over the Baie des Anges and white tiled walls that amplified the dazzling radiance. 
Matisse immediately felt the impact of this intense, saturating light, which had the visual effect of flattening form and compressing space. “You’ll see, there’s something new here,” he wrote to Amélie in July 1928. “I can feel it inside myself, like a release. I had pretty well come to the end of what I could do with construction based exclusively on the balancing of colored masses” (quoted in H. Spurling, Matisse the Master, New York, 2005, p. 295). During the ensuing months, Matisse swiftly clarified and consolidated his new aims. “The retina tires of the same means. It demands surprises,” he told the publisher Tériade in January 1929. “For myself, since it is always necessary to advance and to seek new possibilities, I nowadays want a certain formal perfection, and I work by concentrating my means to give my painting this quality” (quoted in J. Flam, Matisse on Art, Berkeley, 1995, p. 85).
Matisse painted the present Nu à la fenêtre—also known as Nu nacré (Pearly Nude) for the iridescent quality of its light—in his new studio during the first part of 1929 and sold the canvas to Bernheim-Jeune that September. The painting was reproduced shortly thereafter in two important monographs, one by Florent Fels and the other by Roger Fry, which paid tribute to the artist on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday in December 1929; it was first exhibited publicly at the Kraushaar Galleries in New York the following fall. 
The focal point of this luminous, high-keyed canvas is the nude model, the subject par excellence of Matisse’s exemplary Nice period. “The Odalisqueswere the bounty of a happy nostalgia, a lovely vivid dream, and the almost ecstatic, enchanted days and nights of the Moroccan climate,” the artist recounted. “I felt an irresistible need to express that ecstasy, that divine unconcern, in corresponding colored rhythms, rhythms of sunny and lavish figures and colors” (quoted in exh. cat., op. cit., 1986, p. 230). Here, Matisse depicted a sultry brunette named Loulou, one of several ballet dancers from the Compagnie de Paris who populated the artist’s private pictorial theater in 1928-1929. Clad only in a sheer, open peignoir and a gold necklace, Loulou stands in a classic, contrapposto pose. Her volumetric curves play provocatively against the flat, abstract geometry of the tiled studio wall, a proxy for the rectilinear grid of the canvas itself. 
Although the model’s eyes are closed in languorous repose, a wicker armchair beside the window faces outward over the panoramic vista, connoting the act of viewing that underpins the artist’s relationship to the world. The window had been a key theme in Matisse’s work ever since his revolutionary Fauve summer at Collioure in 1905, when he rendered the brilliant light of a new day streaming into his hotel room through an open portal—a metaphor for the very advent of modernism, representing the passage to a momentously new manner of painting. “For Matisse the window was a constant, as important in its expression as the room itself,” Shirley Blum has noted. “Together they enabled the pictorial revolution taking place on his canvases” (Henri Matisse: Rooms with a View, New York, 2010, p. 16).
In Nu à la fenêtre, Matisse exploited the window’s intrinsic duality—at once an opening and a barrier—to generate a tension between illusionistic depth and modernist flatness. Although the window grille recedes perspectivally at an oblique angle, Matisse has compressed the landscape vista against the fictive picture plane, linking the distant to the close at hand. Interior and exterior are rendered with the same sparkling white light and intensity of color, as a single, unified spatial realm. “The result is a productive ambiguity of ‘looking through’ and ‘looking at’,” Katharina Sykora has observed, “a continual back-and-forth between the pull into depth with its promise of a ‘genuine’ view and the visual threshold of inhibition that halts our gaze in the interior” (Henri Matisse: Figure Color Space, exh. cat., Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, Düsseldorf, 2005, p. 60).
The paintings that Matisse created in early 1929 represent the culmination of his work at Nice during this transformative period. Following his return to the Côte d’Azur that fall after his usual summer stint in Paris, Matisse found himself at a crossroads, pondering the direction in which the accomplishments of the last decade might next lead him. During the ensuing four years, he scarcely worked at the easel, devoting himself instead to drawing and print-making, extensive travel, and his decorative murals for Dr. Albert Barnes. When he returned to painting in late 1933, the condensation of pictorial means that he had begun to explore in the “Loulou” interiors provided him with a springboard to renewed innovation, heralding the mounting abstraction of the next decade. 
“When you have worked a long time in the same milieu, it is useful at a given moment to stop and take a voyage,” he explained to Tériade, “which will let parts of the mind rest while other parts have free rein—especially those parts repressed by the will. This stopping permits a withdrawal and consequently an examination of the past. You begin again with more certainty” (quoted in J. Flam, op. cit., 1995, p. 88).

Christie's. Impressionist and Modern Art Evening Sale, New York, 13 May 2019

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